don't ask me what election it was, whether dominion or provincial or imperial or universal, for i scarcely know.

it must, of course, have been going on in other parts of the country as well, but i saw it all from missinaba county which, with the town of mariposa, was, of course, the storm centre and focus point of the whole turmoil.

i only know that it was a huge election and that on it turned issues of the most tremendous importance, such as whether or not mariposa should become part of the united states, and whether the flag that had waved over the school house at tecumseh township for ten centuries should be trampled under the hoof of an alien invader, and whether britons should be slaves, and whether canadians should be britons, and whether the farming class would prove themselves canadians, and tremendous questions of that kind.

and there was such a roar and a tumult to it, and such a waving of flags and beating of drums and flaring of torchlights that such parts of the election as may have been going on elsewhere than in missinaba county must have been quite unimportant and didn't really matter.

now that it is all over, we can look back at it without heat or passion. we can see,—it's plain enough now,—that in the great election canada saved the british empire, and that missinaba saved canada and that the vote of the third concession of tecumseh township saved missinaba county, and that those of us who carried the third concession,—well, there's no need to push it further. we prefer to be modest about it. if we still speak of it, it is only quietly and simply and not more than three or four times a day.

but you can't understand the election at all, and the conventions and the campaigns and the nominations and the balloting, unless you first appreciate the peculiar complexion of politics in mariposa.

let me begin at the beginning. everybody in mariposa is either a liberal or a conservative or else is both. some of the people are or have been liberals or conservatives all their lives and are called dyed-in-the-wool grits or old-time tories and things of that sort. these people get from long training such a swift penetrating insight into national issues that they can decide the most complicated question in four seconds: in fact, just as soon as they grab the city papers out of the morning mail, they know the whole solution of any problem you can put to them. there are other people whose aim it is to be broad-minded and judicious and who vote liberal or conservative according to their judgment of the questions of the day. if their judgment of these questions tells them that there is something in it for them in voting liberal, then they do so. but if not, they refuse to be the slaves of a party or the henchmen of any political leader. so that anybody looking for henches has got to keep away from them.

but the one thing that nobody is allowed to do in mariposa is to have no politics. of course there are always some people whose circumstances compel them to say that they have no politics. but that is easily understood. take the case of trelawney, the postmaster. long ago he was a letter carrier under the old mackenzie government, and later he was a letter sorter under the old macdonald government, and after that a letter stamper under the old tupper government, and so on. trelawney always says that he has no politics, but the truth is that he has too many.

so, too, with the clergy in mariposa. they have no politics—absolutely none. yet dean drone round election time always announces as his text such a verse as: "lo! is there not one righteous man in israel?" or: "what ho! is it not time for a change?" and that is a signal for all the liberal business men to get up and leave their pews.

similarly over at the presbyterian church, the minister says that his sacred calling will not allow him to take part in politics and that his sacred calling prevents him from breathing even a word of harshness against his fellow man, but that when it comes to the elevation of the ungodly into high places in the commonwealth (this means, of course, the nomination of the conservative candidate) then he's not going to allow his sacred calling to prevent him from saying just what he thinks of it. and by that time, having pretty well cleared the church of conservatives, he proceeds to show from the scriptures that the ancient hebrews were liberals to a man, except those who were drowned in the flood or who perished, more or less deservedly, in the desert.

there are, i say, some people who are allowed to claim to have no politics,—the office holders, and the clergy and the school teachers and the hotel keepers. but beyond them, anybody in mariposa who says that he has no politics is looked upon as crooked, and people wonder what it is that he is "out after."

in fact, the whole town and county is a hive of politics, and people who have only witnessed gatherings such as the house of commons at westminster and the senate at washington and never seen a conservative convention at tecumseh corners or a liberal rally at the concession school house, don't know what politics means.

so you may imagine the excitement in mariposa when it became known that king george had dissolved the parliament of canada and had sent out a writ or command for missinaba county to elect for him some other person than john henry bagshaw because he no longer had confidence in him.

the king, of course, is very well known, very favourably known, in mariposa. everybody remembers how he visited the town on his great tour in canada, and stopped off at the mariposa station. although he was only a prince at the time, there was quite a big crowd down at the depot and everybody felt what a shame it was that the prince had no time to see more of mariposa, because he would get such a false idea of it, seeing only the station and the lumber yards. still, they all came to the station and all the liberals and conservatives mixed together perfectly freely and stood side by side without any distinction, so that the prince should not observe any party differences among them. and he didn't,—you could see that he didn't. they read him an address all about the tranquillity and loyalty of the empire, and they purposely left out any reference to the trouble over the town wharf or the big row there had been about the location of the new post-office. there was a general decent feeling that it wouldn't be fair to disturb the prince with these things: later on, as king, he would, of course, have to know all about them, but meanwhile it was better to leave him with the idea that his empire was tranquil.

so they deliberately couched the address in terms that were just as reassuring as possible and the prince was simply delighted with it. i am certain that he slept pretty soundly after hearing that address. why, you could see it taking effect even on his aides-de-camp and the people round him, so imagine how the prince must have felt!

i think in mariposa they understand kings perfectly. every time that a king or a prince comes, they try to make him see the bright side of everything and let him think that they're all united. judge pepperleigh walked up and down arm in arm with dr. gallagher, the worst grit in the town, just to make the prince feel fine.

so when they got the news that the king had lost confidence in john henry bagshaw, the sitting member, they never questioned it a bit. lost confidence? all right, they'd elect him another right away. they'd elect him half a dozen if he needed them. they don't mind; they'd elect the whole town man after man rather than have the king worried about it.

in any case, all the conservatives had been wondering for years how the king and the governor-general and men like that had tolerated such a man as bagshaw so long.

missinaba county, i say, is a regular hive of politics, and not the miserable, crooked, money-ridden politics of the cities, but the straight, real old-fashioned thing that is an honour to the country side. any man who would offer to take a bribe or sell his convictions for money, would be an object of scorn. i don't say they wouldn't take money,—they would, of course, why not?—but if they did they would take it in a straight fearless way and say nothing about it. they might,—it's only human,—accept a job or a contract from the government, but if they did, rest assured it would be in a broad national spirit and not for the sake of the work itself. no, sir. not for a minute.

any man who wants to get the votes of the missinaba farmers and the mariposa business men has got to persuade them that he's the right man. if he can do that,—if he can persuade any one of them that he is the right man and that all the rest know it, then they'll vote for him.

the division, i repeat, between the liberals and the conservatives, is intense. yet you might live for a long while in the town, between elections, and never know it. it is only when you get to understand the people that you begin to see that there is a cross division running through them that nothing can ever remove. you gradually become aware of fine subtle distinctions that miss your observation at first. outwardly, they are all friendly enough. for instance, joe milligan the dentist is a conservative, and has been for six years, and yet he shares the same boat-house with young dr. gallagher, who is a liberal, and they even bought a motor boat between them. pete glover and alf mcnichol were in partnership in the hardware and paint store, though they belonged on different sides.

but just as soon as elections drew near, the differences in politics became perfectly apparent. liberals and conservatives drew away from one another. joe milligan used the motor boat one saturday and dr. gallagher the next, and pete glover sold hardware on one side of the store and alf mcnichol sold paint on the other. you soon realized too that one of the newspapers was conservative and the other was liberal, and that there was a liberal drug store and a conservative drug store, and so on. similarly round election time, the mariposa house was the liberal hotel, and the continental conservative, though mr. smith's place, where they always put on a couple of extra bar tenders, was what you might call independent-liberal-conservative, with a dash of imperialism thrown in. mr. gingham, the undertaker, was, as a natural effect of his calling, an advanced liberal, but at election time he always engaged a special assistant for embalming conservative customers.

so now, i think, you understand something of the general political surroundings of the great election in missinaba county.

john henry bagshaw was the sitting member, the liberal member, for missinaba county.

the liberals called him the old war horse, and the old battle-axe, and the old charger and the old champion and all sorts of things of that kind. the conservatives called him the old jackass and the old army mule and the old booze fighter and the old grafter and the old scoundrel.

john henry bagshaw was, i suppose, one of the greatest political forces in the world. he had flowing white hair crowned with a fedora hat, and a smooth statesmanlike face which it cost the country twenty-five cents a day to shave.

altogether the dominion of canada had spent over two thousand dollars in shaving that face during the twenty years that bagshaw had represented missinaba county. but the result had been well worth it.

bagshaw wore a long political overcoat that it cost the country twenty cents a day to brush, and boots that cost the dominion fifteen cents every morning to shine.

but it was money well spent.

bagshaw of mariposa was one of the most representative men of the age, and it's no wonder that he had been returned for the county for five elections running, leaving the conservatives nowhere. just think how representative he was. he owned two hundred acres out on the third concession and kept two men working on it all the time to prove that he was a practical farmer. they sent in fat hogs to the missinaba county agricultural exposition and the world's fair every autumn, and bagshaw himself stood beside the pig pens with the judges, and wore a pair of corduroy breeches and chewed a straw all afternoon. after that if any farmer thought that he was not properly represented in parliament, it showed that he was an ass.

bagshaw owned a half share in the harness business and a quarter share in the tannery and that made him a business man. he paid for a pew in the presbyterian church and that represented religion in parliament. he attended college for two sessions thirty years ago, and that represented education and kept him abreast with modern science, if not ahead of it. he kept a little account in one bank and a big account in the other, so that he was a rich man or a poor man at the same time.

add to that that john henry bagshaw was perhaps the finest orator in mariposa. that, of course, is saying a great deal. there are speakers there, lots of them that can talk two or three hours at a stretch, but the old war horse could beat them all. they say that when john henry bagshaw got well started, say after a couple of hours of talk, he could speak as pericles or demosthenes or cicero never could have spoken.

you could tell bagshaw a hundred yards off as a member of the house of commons. he wore a pepper-and-salt suit to show that he came from a rural constituency, and he wore a broad gold watch-chain with dangling seals to show that he also represents a town. you could see from his quiet low collar and white tie that his electorate were a godfearing, religious people, while the horseshoe pin that he wore showed that his electorate were not without sporting instincts and knew a horse from a jackass.

most of the time, john henry bagshaw had to be at ottawa (though he preferred the quiet of his farm and always left it, as he said, with a sigh). if he was not in ottawa, he was in washington, and of course at any time they might need him in london, so that it was no wonder that he could only be in mariposa about two months of the year.

that is why everybody knew, when bagshaw got off the afternoon train one day early in the spring, that there must be something very important coming and that the rumours about a new election must be perfectly true.

everything that he did showed this. he gave the baggage man twenty-five cents to take the check off his trunk, the 'bus driver fifty cents to drive him up to the main street, and he went into callahan's tobacco store and bought two ten-cent cigars and took them across the street and gave them to mallory tompkins of the times-herald as a present from the prime minister.

all that afternoon, bagshaw went up and down the main street of mariposa, and you could see, if you knew the signs of it, that there was politics in the air. he bought nails and putty and glass in the hardware store, and harness in the harness shop, and drugs in the drug store and toys in the toy shop, and all the things like that that are needed for a big campaign.

then when he had done all this he went over with mcginnis the liberal organizer and mallory tompkins, the times-herald man, and gingham (the great independent-liberal undertaker) to the back parlour in the mariposa house.

you could tell from the way john henry bagshaw closed the door before he sat down that he was in a pretty serious frame of mind.

"gentlemen," he said, "the election is a certainty. we're going to have a big fight on our hands and we've got to get ready for it."

"is it going to be on the tariff?" asked tompkins.

"yes, gentlemen, i'm afraid it is. the whole thing is going to turn on the tariff question. i wish it were otherwise. i think it madness, but they're bent on it, and we got to fight it on that line. why they can't fight it merely on the question of graft," continued the old war horse, rising from his seat and walking up and down, "heaven only knows. i warned them. i appealed to them. i said, fight the thing on graft and we can win easy. take this constituency,—why not have fought the thing out on whether i spent too much money on the town wharf or the post-office? what better issues could a man want? let them claim that i am crooked and let me claim that i'm not. surely that was good enough without dragging in the tariff. but now, gentlemen, tell me about things in the constituency. is there any talk yet of who is to run?"

mallory tompkins lighted up the second of his prime minister's cigars and then answered for the group:

"everybody says that edward drone is going to run."

"ah!" said the old war horse, and there was joy upon his face, "is he? at last! that's good, that's good—now what platform will he run on?"

"independent."

"excellent," said mr. bagshaw. "independent, that's fine. on a programme of what?"

"just simple honesty and public morality."

"come now," said the member, "that's splendid: that will help enormously. honesty and public morality! the very thing! if drone runs and makes a good showing, we win for a certainty. tompkins, you must lose no time over this. can't you manage to get some articles in the other papers hinting that at the last election we bribed all the voters in the county, and that we gave out enough contracts to simply pervert the whole constituency. imply that we poured the public money into this county in bucketsful and that we are bound to do it again. let drone have plenty of material of this sort and he'll draw off every honest unbiased vote in the conservative party.

"my only fear is," continued the old war horse, losing some of his animation, "that drone won't run after all. he's said it so often before and never has. he hasn't got the money. but we must see to that. gingham, you know his brother well; you must work it so that we pay drone's deposit and his campaign expenses. but how like drone it is to come out at this time!"

it was indeed very like edward drone to attempt so misguided a thing as to come out an independent candidate in missinaba county on a platform of public honesty. it was just the sort of thing that anyone in mariposa would expect from him.

edward drone was the rural dean's younger brother,—young mr. drone, they used to call him, years ago, to distinguish him from the rector. he was a somewhat weaker copy of his elder brother, with a simple, inefficient face and kind blue eyes. edward drone was, and always had been, a failure. in training he had been, once upon a time, an engineer and built dams that broke and bridges that fell down and wharves that floated away in the spring floods. he had been a manufacturer and failed, had been a contractor and failed, and now lived a meagre life as a sort of surveyor or land expert on goodness knows what.

in his political ideas edward drone was and, as everybody in mariposa knew, always had been crazy. he used to come up to the autumn exercises at the high school and make speeches about the ancient romans and titus manlius and quintus curtius at the same time when john henry bagshaw used to make a speech about the maple leaf and ask for an extra half holiday. drone used to tell the boys about the lessons to be learned from the lives of the truly great, and bagshaw used to talk to them about the lessons learned from the lives of the extremely rich. drone used to say that his heart filled whenever he thought of the splendid patriotism of the ancient romans, and bagshaw said that whenever he looked out over this wide dominion his heart overflowed.

even the youngest boy in the school could tell that drone was foolish. not even the school teachers would have voted for him.

"what about the conservatives?" asked bagshaw presently; "is there any talk yet as to who they'll bring out?" gingham and mallory tompkins looked at one another. they were almost afraid to speak.

"hadn't you heard?" said gingham; "they've got their man already."

"who is it?" said bagshaw quickly. "they're going to put up josh smith."

"great heaven!" said bagshaw, jumping to his feet; "smith! the hotel keeper."

"yes, sir," said mr. gingham, "that's the man."

do you remember, in history, how napoleon turned pale when he heard that the duke of wellington was to lead the allies in belgium? do you remember how when themistocles heard that aristogiton was to lead the spartans, he jumped into the sea? possibly you don't, but it may help you to form some idea of what john henry bagshaw felt when he heard that the conservatives had selected josh smith, proprietor of smith's hotel.

you remember smith. you've seen him there on the steps of his hotel,—two hundred and eighty pounds in his stockinged feet. you've seen him selling liquor after hours through sheer public spirit, and you recall how he saved the lives of hundreds of people on the day when the steamer sank, and how he saved the town from being destroyed the night when the church of england church burnt down. you know that hotel of his, too, half way down the street, smith's northern health resort, though already they were beginning to call it smith's british arms.

so you can imagine that bagshaw came as near to turning pale as a man in federal politics can.

"i never knew smith was a conservative," he said faintly; "he always subscribed to our fund."

"he is now," said mr. gingham ominously; "he says the idea of this reciprocity business cuts him to the heart."

"the infernal liar!" said mr. bagshaw.

there was silence for a few moments. then bagshaw spoke again.

"will smith have anything else in his platform besides the trade question?"

"yes," said mr. gingham gloomily, "he will."

"what is it?"

"temperance and total prohibition!"

john henry bagshaw sank back in his chair as if struck with a club. there let me leave him for a chapter.