into the life of a japanese home enter many customs and observances that have not been dwelt upon in the preceding pages, but without some understanding of which our knowledge of the life of japanese women is by no means complete. in japan the woman's place is so entirely in the home that all the ceremonies and superstitions that gather about the conduct of every-day affairs are more to her than they are to the freer and broader-minded man. the household worship, the yearly round of festivals, each with its special food to be prepared, the observances connected with birth and marriage and death; what is to be done in time of illness, of earthquake, of fire, or of the frequent flittings that render life in japan one succession of packings and unpackings,—all [328]these are matters of high importance to the wife and mother, and their proper observance is left largely in her hands.

every well-ordered japanese home of the old-fashioned kind has its little shrine, which is the centre of the religious life of the house. if the household is of the shinto faith, this shrine is called the kami-dana, or god shelf, and contains the symbols of the gods, gohei in vases, receptacles for food and drink, and a primitive lamp,—only a saucer of oil in which a bit of pith serves for a wick. daily offerings must be made before this shrine, and reverence paid by the clapping of hands; while on feast days special offerings and invocations are required. in buddhist families, the butsudan, or buddha shelf, takes the place of the kami-dana, and the worship is slightly more complicated. greater variety of food is offered, and the simple clapping of the hands and bowing of the head that is the form of prayer in the shinto religion is replaced by the burning of incense and by actual verbal invocation of buddha. these religious ceremonies [329]must be attended to by the mother or wife. she it is who sets the rice and wine before the ancestral tablets, who lights the little lamp each night, and who sees that at each feast day and anniversary season the proper food is prepared and set out for the household gods.

upon the wife, and her attention to minute and apparently trifling details, depends much of the well-being of the family. each child, as it grows toward maturity, gathers from various sources a collection of amulets, which, while worn always when the child is in full dress, are frequently too precious for ordinary play times and the risks and perils of every-day life. these must be kept carefully by the mother as a safeguard against the many evils that beset child-life. i have spoken of the amulets given at the times of the miya mairi,—both the first, when the name is given to the baby, and the subsequent visits made to the temple by the children as they pass certain stated points in their progress toward maturity. these amulets are simply written papers or slips of[330] wood with the seal of the temple from which they are issued stamped upon them. visits to noted temples by relatives and friends often result in additions to the child's collection. one kind of charm is good to keep the eyes strong; another will help its possessor to that much-prized accomplishment, a good handwriting; another acts as an assurance against accident and saves the child from harm in case of a fall. all these are put together by the careful mother and preserved as jealously as queen althea kept the charred stick that governed the destiny of her son. as the children arrive at years of discretion, these treasures pass out of the mother's faithful keeping into the hands of their actual owners, and they are usually kept stored away in some little-used drawer or cabinet until death removes the necessity for any further safeguards over life. perhaps of all the curious things that go to make up these intimate personal belongings of a japanese man or woman, there is none more curious than the small white parcel containing a portion of the umbilical cord,—saved at birth[331] and preserved until death that it may be buried with its possessor and furnish him the means of a new birth. these little paper packages, each marked with the name of the child to whom it belongs, are kept by the mother.

upon the mother of the family rests very largely the determining of lucky and unlucky days for the beginning or transaction of different kinds of business. a fortune-teller is consulted for important things, such as removals or marriages, but in every-day life one cannot be running to a fortune-teller about everything; and yet there is bad luck lurking in the background that may baffle all our plans if we do not observe the proper times and seasons for our undertakings. just as the japanese calendar divides time into cycles of twelve years, each year named for a different animal, so also the days and hours are divided into twelves and bear the names of the same twelve animals,—the chinese signs of the zodiac. these animals are as follows: the rat, the bull, the tiger, the hare, the dragon, the snake, the horse, the goat, the monkey, the[332] cock, the dog, and the boar. each animal brings its own kind of good or bad luck into the hour, day, or year over which it presides, and only a skillful balancer of pros and cons can read aright the combinations, and understand what the luck of any particular hour in any particular day of any particular year will be. for instance, the rat, which is the companion of daikoku, the money god, is a lucky animal so far as money is concerned. a person born in the year of the rat will never need money, and will be economical, possibly miserly; and in one born on the day of the rat in the year of the rat these chances and qualities will be doubled. but the luck of the rat may be very seriously interfered with by the bad luck of the monkey or of the proverbially unlucky dog, when their days and hours occur in the rat year. on the other hand, their bad luck may be counteracted by the good luck of the tiger or hare, for as a rule three animals of different portent are presiding over human prospects every hour. this makes prophecy a ticklish business, requiring a wise head, but it also leaves[333] much room for the subsequent explanation of failures by the superior and unusual influence of one or another of the animals, as the case may require. momentous questions of this kind have frequently to be settled by the japanese wife and mother, and she gains dignity and value in her home and neighborhood according to her skill in interpreting the portents of the day and hour.

for the greater events of family life the home prophecies are felt to be too uncertain, and the services of the fortune-teller must be called in. no well-managed family would think of building a new house without finding in what direction to face the front door. in an american city this necessity would cause considerable inconvenience, as the position of the front door is usually determined by the relation of the building-lot to the street; but in a japanese city, where, in all but the business quarters, every house is concealed by a high board fence, and where the gate that admits one within the fence is the only sign by which any one in the street can judge of the worldly condition of the dwellers[334] within, the houses are faced about any and every way, and the position of each is determined by the good luck that it will bring its owner. after this matter has been settled and the house is fairly begun, there are occasional crises in its construction upon which much depends. of these the most important is the day when the roof is raised. the roof timbers, which are unsquared logs, often rather crooked, after being carefully fitted and framed in some convenient vacant lot, are brought on carts to the site of the new building, and when all is ready, the head carpenter sends word to the house-owner that he is about to set the roof in place. the house-owner then decides whether the day set by the builder is a lucky one for himself and his family. if it is not, a delay in the building is always preferable to any danger of incurring the displeasure of the luck gods. this crisis safely passed, and the last of the roof beams secured in its place, the men take a holiday, and are feasted on saké and spaghetti by the house-owner. a present of money to each workman is also in order, and will[335] conduce to the rapid and faithful execution of the job in hand. when, at last, the house is finished, and carpenters and plasterers are ready to leave it, the local firemen, who have assisted all along in the building as unskilled laborers, often ascend to the roof, and from the ridge-pole cast down cakes, for which the children of the neighborhood scramble joyfully.

when the builders have left, and the house is ready for occupation, even to the soft, thick mats on the floor and the white paper windows, the family will move in on the first day thereafter that is both lucky and pleasant. so far as possible, everything in the old house will be packed and ready the day before, and very early in the morning the relatives and friends of the mover will begin to rally around him. all come who can, and those who cannot come send servants or provisions. every tradesman or kurumaya who has had or who hopes to have the patronage of the moving household sends a representative to help along the work, so that there is always a sufficient force to carry the household[336] belongings into the new home and settle them in place before the day is over. all these visiting helpers must be fed and provided with tea and cakes at proper intervals, and the presents of cooked food that pour in at such times are highly acceptable and of great practical usefulness. when the long day is ended and the visitors return one by one to their homes, it is the mistress of the house who must see that every servant and representative of a business firm receives, neatly done up in white paper, a present of money properly proportioned to his services, and the style and circumstances of the family he has been aiding. and when all are gone, the shutters closed, and the family left alone in their new home, the little wife must make a list of all who have helped in any way during the day, and to all, within a short time, make some acknowledgment of their kindness by either a call or a present. it is upon the wife, too, that the duty falls of sending to each of the near neighbors soba, a kind of macaroni, as an announcement of the family's arrival. the number of neighbors to[337] whom this gift is sent is determined differently according to circumstances. if the house is one of several in a compound, soba will be sent to all within the gate; but if the compound is very large, so that the sending to all would be too great an expense, the five nearest houses will be selected to receive the gift, or all who draw water from the same well. a very late fashion in tokyo, but one that is gaining ground because of its convenience, is to send, not the macaroni itself, but an order on the nearest restaurant at which that delicacy is sold.

as i have already said, much of a woman's time and thought must be given to the proper distribution of presents among friends and dependents. the subject of what to give, when to give, to whom to give, and how to do up the gift acceptably, is one the thorough understanding of which requires the study of years. no foreigner can hope to do more than dabble in the shallows of it. presents seem to be used more for the purpose of keeping those persons whose services you may need, or whose enmity you dread, under a sense of obligation,[338] than they are as expressions of sentiment. every housekeeper, for instance, must need the occasional services of a carpenter or a gardener, and in a large city like tokyo the chances are that she will some day need, and need very badly, the services of a fireman. a wise woman—one who is not penny wise and pound foolish—will by timely presents keep herself constantly in the minds of such persons, so that when she sends for them, they may feel under sufficient obligation to her to come at once. so will her house be quickly put in repair after earthquake or other accident; her garden show for only the briefest interval the ravages of the typhoon which has gullied out her lawn and leveled her choicest trees; and when some night "the flower of yedo" blooms suddenly by her side, she will have the speedy assistance of the firemen, who will seal her storehouse securely with clay, wet her roof and walls thoroughly with water, and light at her gates the great alarm lanterns to tell her friends that her house is in danger and summon them to her assistance. no friend can disregard such a[339] signal, but all will rally round her once more to help in this less orderly and cheerful moving,—will pack and cord and carry out her goods, and if at last the fire consumes her dwelling, will gather her household and belongings into their hospitable homes. but the foolish woman, who neglects or forgets her dependents when she does not need them, finds some day that her roof is leaking, but all the carpenters are too busy to mend it, her garden is destroyed because the gardener had an important engagement elsewhere just when she needed him, and her property is burned up or ruined by water and smoke because the firemen attended to her house last when the fire swept over her compound.

when death enters a house in japan, there are no undertakers to relieve the family of the painful duty of caring for the dead body and placing it in the coffin. there are coffin-makers and funeral managers who supply the great white bier and lanterns and the bunches of paper flowers that adorn every funeral procession, but within the house the preparations [340]are all made by the family and friends, and the heaviest and most painful part of the work falls, as usual, on the women of the family. as soon as the breath finally leaves the body, it is wrapped in a quilt, laid with its head to the north, and an inverted screen placed around it. on one corner of the screen is hung a sword or knife to keep off any evil spirit that may wander into the room in the shape of a cat and disturb the dead.

etiquette requires that relatives and intimate friends of the family call immediately on learning of the death. to receive these calls the mourners, in full ceremonial dress, must sit in the death chamber and remove for each guest the covering from the face of the dead. the visitors then offer the ceremonial bows to the corpse, as if it were alive. during this time, too, presents to the spirit of the dead are pouring in. the proper offerings are flowers, cake, vegetables, candles, incense, or small gifts of money for the purchase of incense. if the deceased is a person of rank or distinction, the house is flooded with cumbersome[341] and useless offerings. this custom has become so great an addition to the trials necessarily incident to a bereavement that one occasionally sees in the newspaper announcements of deaths a request that no offerings to the dead be sent.

on the day after the death, often in the evening, the body must be placed in the cask-shaped coffin that until recently was the style commonly in use in japan. now, among the wealthier classes, the long coffin has superseded the small square or round one, but the smaller expense connected with burial in the old way makes the survival of the old type a necessity for the majority of japanese. at an appointed time all the relatives assemble in the death chamber, and preparations are made for the bathing of the corpse. two of the tatami, or floor mats, are turned over, and upon them are placed a new tub, a new pail, and a new dipper. these utensils must have no metal of any kind about them. in the washing of the body none but members of the family must assist, and respect for the dead absolutely requires[342] that all the relatives of the deceased who are below him in rank must have a hand in these final ablutions. in japan, the mourning for the dead is the duty of inferiors, never of superiors. there is no official, ceremonial mourning of parents for their children, nor does custom require them to perform any of the last rites, or attend the funeral. upon the younger brothers and sisters falls the duty of attending to all the last sad ministrations. if the wife dies, her husband does not mourn for her, though her children do; but if the husband dies, the wife must mourn the rest of her life, cutting off her hair and placing it in the coffin as a sign of her perpetual faithfulness.

when the body has been washed, it is dressed in white, in silk habutai whenever the family can afford it. the dress, which must be appropriate to the season, in the making of which all the women of the family must assist, is the plain, straight kimono, but must be folded from right to left, instead of from left to right as in life. the body, to be placed in the coffin, must be folded into a sitting [343]posture, the chin resting upon the knees,—the position of the mummies found in many aboriginal american tombs. this difficult, to us apparently impossible feat, safely accomplished, there are placed in the coffin a number of small things that the dead takes with him to the next world. some of these have been already mentioned, the others are little keepsakes, or perhaps tokens of the tastes and employments of the dead,—dice, cards, saké bottles, the image of a horse, toy weapons,—anything, provided only that it be not of metal, may be used for this purpose. the single exception to this rule about metal is that small copper coins may be put in, to fee the old hag who guards the bank of the river of death. last of all, the vacant spaces in the coffin are filled in with bags of tea. then the coffin is closed and nailed up, wrapped with a white silk cloth fastened with a white silk or cotton cord, and placed on a high stand, and food and incense are placed before it.

so long as the coffin is in the house, it must be watched over continually. to aid in this protracted vigil, which must[344] be kept up day and night until the burial, the relatives, friends, and retainers of the dead assemble at the house in large numbers. in the case of a person of wealth and influence, there will often be a hundred or more of these watchers, who must be fed and cared for; and who take turns in watching, eating, and sleeping. it is their duty to see that the incense burning before the coffin is never allowed to go out, while the food for the dead is renewed at regular intervals by the mourners themselves.

this somewhat detailed description of the duties to be performed by the members of a bereaved family in the house of mourning is sufficient to show that the presence of death in the home is made as terrible as possible by the painful ceremonies, the continual bustle and excitement, and the strain upon the resources and executive ability of the housekeeper and her assistants. there are few enlightened japanese who will defend the present system of cruelty to the afflicted, or who do not long for some change, but so great is the force of conservatism in this regard, so haunting the fear that[345] any change may indicate a lack of respect for the dead, that reform advances slowly.

individual instances occur in which some of the worst features of these customs are modified. a case in point is that of the late mr. fukuzawa, a man whose life was devoted to the advancement of his countrymen in modern ways, and who in his death continued his teaching. in his will he provided that his body was to be buried, without washing, in the clothing in which he died. this provision would seem in most countries to be mere eccentricity, but when one has seen or heard of the gruesome ceremony that follows immediately after death, and the burden of which falls, not on the old and hardened, but on the young and tender, suffering, in many cases, under the weight of a first and crushing affliction, one can see that only through such means as this can the burden ever be lifted from the shoulders of those who mourn. there are young and enlightened mothers in japan to-day who have felt, in minds awakened to thought and action, the horrors of the[346] system, and who will not allow their children to suffer for them what they have suffered in paying respect to their dead parents. through this growing feeling and the unselfishness of maternal affection may come in time the release from these mournful ceremonies.

while the body remains in the house, a priest comes from time to time to offer prayers, longer or shorter according to the wealth of the family employing him; and when the funeral cortège sets out on its way to the cemetery, the priests in their professional robes form an imposing part of the spectacle. the day of the burial is selected with due respect to the calendar, for, though there may be little good luck about a funeral, there is a chance of extremely bad luck growing out of it unless every precaution is taken. just before the procession starts, a religious ceremony is held at the house, which is attended by the friends of the deceased, and which is substantially the same as that performed at the cemetery. on the day of the burial, great bunches of natural flowers are sent to the dead, each bunch so large as to[347] require the services of one man to carry it. sometimes with the gift a man is sent to take part in the procession, but if the giver feels too poor to hire a man, this burden, too, falls upon the bereaved household, for etiquette requires that all flowers sent be borne to the grave by uniformed coolies, who march in the funeral train. another favorite present at this time, among buddhists, is a cage of living birds, to be borne to the grave and released thereon. this act of mercy is counted to the deceased for righteousness, and is believed to aid in rendering his next incarnation a happy one.

a funeral procession is an imposing spectacle, and, to the uninstructed foreigner, a cheerful one; for there is nothing sad or sombre in the white, or bright-colored, robes of the priests, the white, tinsel-decorated bier, the red and white flags borne aloft, the enormous bunches of gay-colored flowers;—the very mourners in white silk, and with faces apparently unmoved by grief, bring no thought of the object of the procession to the western mind. it seems more like a bridal than a burial. but if you[348] follow the cortège to the cemetery and there listen to the wailing of the wind instruments, and the droning of the priests as they perform the last rites, and watch the silent company that one by one go forward to bow before the coffin and place upon it a branch of sakaki or burn a bit of incense, the trappings of woe in japan will impress themselves strongly upon your mind, and the gayly appareled funeral processions will seem to you ever afterward as mournful and hopeless a spectacle as you can find in any country.

the house of death remains a place of mourning for forty-nine days after the funeral. during this period the spirit of the deceased is supposed to be still inhabiting the house, and a tablet or shrine is set up in the death chamber before which food and flowers are renewed daily. visitors are expected to make obeisance to the dead. at the end of this time, some acknowledgment must be sent to every friend who has sent anything to the house at the funeral. for a time after death has come into the family the relatives of the dead are regarded[349] as ceremonially unclean. the period of defilement varies with the nearness of relationship. in the old days, no one thus defiled was allowed to go about his regular business or to mingle with other men; but busy modern japan does not find it convenient to pause long in its work, so that government officials and school-children are now sent written papers excusing them for coming back to their tasks even while ceremonially unclean. thus the old custom is passing away. in the first year after death, certain days are observed with special honors before the memorial tablet, and later, certain anniversaries of the death must be kept, until, at last, at the end of fifty or one hundred years, the personality of the spirit seems to become merged with that of the other ancestral spirits, and no offerings are made to it except at the general feasts of the dead.

with the coming in of the last month of the year begin the preparations for the great new year's festival, and the housekeeper finds herself occupied through every moment of the brief days. a woman who is at the head of a large[350] household has upon her hands in the month of december spring house-cleaning and preparations for christmas, new year's, thanksgiving, and easter, all at once. the work of getting the family wardrobe ready for the festival must begin very early in the month, for every man, woman, and child in the household must be provided with new clothes, and the thrifty housewife sends no sewing out. in the old days, it was ordained that the eighth day of the twelfth month should be a needle festival,—a day on which all women rest from their sewing and amuse themselves by indulging their own fancies instead of their husbands', as is their duty on other days. this day was supposed to mark the dividing line between the old year's and the new year's sewing, but, as a matter of fact, the forehanded woman will finish up the old and begin the new even earlier in the month, so as to have this part of her work well out of the way before the house-cleaning, which should be begun not later than the fifteenth.

this house-cleaning, even with the small amount of furniture found in a[351] japanese house, is an elaborate affair. every box and closet and rubbish-hole in the house is turned out and put in order, the tatami are taken up and brushed and beaten, the woodwork from ceiling to floor is carefully washed, the plaster and paper walls flicked with the paper flapper that takes the place in japan of our feather duster. all the quilts and clothing must be sunned and aired, the kakémonos and curios belonging to the family unpacked, carefully dusted, and put back into their wrappings and boxes, and the house and garden put into perfect repair. this work, if thoroughly done, takes about a week. when all is finished, even to the final purification by beating everything in the house with a fresh bamboo, games and festivities and soba are in order. in the old daimio houses, where great numbers of men and women were employed, and where the women's quarters were in a distinct part of the house, it was considered a great joke to catch a man on the women's side any time between the close of the cleaning and the beginning of the new year. the intruder was[352] promptly seized and shouldered by the women, who carried him about the house in triumph, finally returning him to his own quarters. if, by any chance, they could catch the chief steward, they sang as they carried him about:—

"this is the great pillar of the house!

may he be happy till the stone foundations rot!"

the week following the house-cleaning is devoted to the preparation of food for the festival. of this, the most characteristic is mochi, a sort of dumpling made of rice steamed and pounded, the preparation of which is so difficult and protracted a process that it is not lightly undertaken. it is so distinctively the festival food of japan that if you find mochi in a friend's house at any time except the new year, you immediately ask what has happened, and are pretty sure to be told that it is a present received in celebration of a birth or a marriage, or some other domestic festival. it is, to japanese children, what turkey and cranberry sauce are to american children, not only a delight to the palate, but a dish the[353] very smell of which brings back the most cheerful occasions in the year.

when the mochi is made and set away to await the festal day, the matter of decoration must be attended to. at every gate is erected some token of the season, if it be only a bit of pine stuck into the ground, or a wisp of straw rope decorated with white paper gohei. the great black gates that indicate the homes of the wealthier classes are almost concealed by structures of pine and bamboo, on which oranges, lobsters, straw rope, straw fringe, white paper, and images of the good luck gods are used as decorations. all these things are either efficacious in keeping off evil spirits, or are symbols of good luck. within the house, in the tokonoma, or place of honor, in the best room, great cakes of mochi, two, three, five, or seven in number, are set one upon another in a dish covered with fern leaves, and the structure surrounded by seaweed.

before the new year comes in the capable housewife will have sent out presents to every one who has during the[354] year been of service to her husband, her children, or herself in any way. her own servants will be remembered with gifts of clothing, something will be sent to the servants of friends at whose houses any of the family have visited often, and every dependent, poor relation, employee, and employee's child must be given a present, large or small, according to the amount of obligation felt by the giver. to persons of greater wealth and importance, to whom the family are grateful for past favors or from whom they are hoping for something in the future, gifts, often quite out of proportion to the resources of the givers, are sent,—a method of investing capital that is a little risky, though it sometimes yields prompt and bountiful returns. on the other hand, all the merchants and marketmen who supply the house send presents to the mistress and frequently to the head servants as well, and furushiki (bundle handkerchiefs), cooking utensils, packages of sugar, boxes of eggs, dried fish, etc., flow in at the kitchen; while crêpe, silk, cotton cloth, money, toys, curios, and other valuables [355]flow out of the parlor. all this present-giving is a severe tax upon the strength and resources of the housekeeper, and adds heavily to the burden that the last month of the year imposes upon her.

by the twenty-fifth or twenty-sixth of the month the trades-people begin to send in their bills, for every man expects to square up all his accounts by the last night of the old year, and early payments are expected and made, so that all may begin the new year out of debt. so universal is this custom that the man who finds at the eleventh hour that he cannot clear off all his debts is likely to offer his property at a heavy sacrifice in order to secure the necessary cash. for any one with ready money extraordinary bargains are to be met with in japanese shops during the last week of the year. in case this resource fails, suicide is still a short and honorable way out of a world that has become too difficult to live in.

the japanese housewife must feel, when december has been successfully passed, like the yankee who had noticed[356] that if he lived through the month of march he generally lived through the rest of the year. the observances of january, for which december has been one long preparation, begin with the rising of the new year's sun, and continue in one form or another for about two weeks. almost every day has its special food and its special festival duty. for the first three days the very best clothes in the wardrobe are worn by everybody, then till the seventh the second best, and from the seventh to the end of the month new clothes, though not the very best, must be worn. within the first seven days every man in japan is expected to call on all his friends and acquaintances, but the women, probably out of consideration for the many duties that the festival season puts upon them, are given until march to finish up their new year's calls.

the streets of the cities, and even of the small villages, are full of life and interest for a week or two. kurumayas in their new winter liveries trundle around fathers and mothers and happy children. all manner of mummers, musicians, [357]and dancers go from house to house in search of custom. the manzai, who, with dances and songs and strange grimaces, undertake to drive out from your house for the new year all the devils who may have been residing there hitherto, are a special feature of this season. in every garden and in the public streets little girls, their faces freshly covered with white paint, their shining black hair newly dressed, their wing-sleeved kimonos gorgeous with many colors, play battledore and shuttlecock, toss small bags half filled with rice, or pat balls wound with shining silk to the accompaniment of a weird little chant. for the boys there are kites of many shapes and colors, or tops that they spin under every one's feet, well knowing that no one in japan is too busy to turn aside for a child's pleasure. the very horses—small, shock-headed, evil-tempered beasts, who drag tremendous loads with many snorts and snaps at their masters—are decked out with gay streamers that reach nearly to the ground, at the ends of which are tinkling bells. the festival season closes on the fifteenth[358] and sixteenth with a visit to the temple of yemma, the god of hell, and with a holiday for all the apprentices.

next to the new year's holiday, perhaps the most important festival of the japanese year is o bon, the feast of the dead. this is, in its present form, a buddhist institution, but in spirit it fitted so exactly into the ancient japanese ideas of the tastes and habits of departed spirits that it merely supplanted the old shinto feasts of the dead, and it is a little difficult to-day to determine whether its observance is more buddhist or shinto in its character. to find the o bon ceremonies in their most perfect form, it is necessary now to go into the more remote country villages, for though, even in tokyo, this feast is still one of the most important in the whole year, it seems to be more distinctly itself in a small village, where all the old forms are still kept up.

in tokyo, the three days' festival is kept by the new calendar, and occurs on the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth of july. at o bon, as at new year's time, it is customary to square off all[359] obligations by a general giving of presents. this, while not quite as important a matter as at the beginning of the year, is still a severe tax upon the time, purse, and memory of the wife and mother in any large family. at this time, too, as at new year's, mochi or some other festival dish must be provided, but at this point the resemblance between the two occasions ceases. in accordance with its character as a feast of departed spirits, the observance of o bon is distinctively religious. on the twelfth, the family go to the graveyard and clean and put in order the graves and tombstones, so that the returning spirits may find all properly cared for. fresh water and flowers are placed before each stone, and sometimes rice and fresh vegetables. at home, the ancestral tablets in the butsudan form the centre of the ceremonies. before the shrine are placed, on the thirteenth, offerings of food of any kind that can be made without fish or meat. great balls of mochi, saké, flowers, and choice new varieties of vegetables are appropriate offerings. all are tastefully arranged, the lamps are carefully lighted[360] every night, and special services are held before the shrine. for the three days of the feast, the souls of the dead are believed to be visiting their old haunts, and to need light and food and all the conveniences that their descendants can spare them. each house is decorated with lanterns, that the spirits may be able to find their way. it is from this custom that the feast is often called by foreigners the feast of lanterns.

as i have already said, in tokyo and other modernized places, this feast is not seen at its best. only the soft glow of the lanterns swinging from every house, and the decorations in the graveyards and at the household shrines, indicate to the traveler that anything unusual is going on. but in the country regions it is quite another matter, and the welcoming, entertainment, and proper dismissal of the visiting spirits form the entire business of the community for three days. usually the middle of august is the time for the country celebration. on the twelfth, bands of children carrying red lanterns march singing through the village on their way to the graveyard,[361] where the annual cleaning is taking place. that night bonfires in the cemetery and before the houses light the pathway of the wanderers. then for three nights all the young people of the village gather in the temple court in grotesque disguises and with towels over their faces, and dance all night long in the moonlight, to primitive music produced by a drum and the monotonous chant of the dancers themselves. these three dance-nights are the great occasion of the year to the young peasants, for this is the only time when persons of both sexes meet together in a social way, and it is long looked forward to and enjoyed intensely. of late years, the government, fearing the abuses that grow out of this exceptional social event, has endeavored to suppress the dancing, but it continues in full vigor throughout most of rural japan, though conducted with more decorum than formerly on account of the standing dread of police interference. the object of the dance is to amuse the spirits of the ancestors, who must be imagined as hovering in the background, viewing with approval the antics of their descendants.

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other amusements are going on in the village on the o bon evenings. at a summer resort every hotel-keeper will have a professional story-teller, a company of musicians, or some other entertainment to which the guests of the hotel are invited, and at which as many of the villagers as can crowd to the open house fronts stare until the dance drum in the temple court draws their feet in that direction. and then, on the last night of the feast, bonfires are once more kindled at every house, so that the spirits may find their way safely back to the land whence they came, and not stay to haunt their descendants at improper seasons.

no account of life in a japanese home would be complete without a little space devoted to the special delights of the small boy. although this book deals mainly with feminine concerns, the small boy in japan, as in america, is the life and fun of the home, and one cannot fail to notice his times of surpassing enjoyment. he rules the house and his mother and his grandmother and his sisters, at all times, and his activity and enterprise secure for him a good share in[363] any fun that is going on; but there are certain seasons that appeal to the boyish heart with a special message and of which he is the central figure.

as the feast of dolls is to the girls, so is the feast of flags to the boys,—their own special day, set apart for them out of the whole year. it comes on the fifth day of the fifth month (now may fifth), and for long before its arrival the shops are gay with all manner of tempting toys, while in every yard rises a great bamboo pole, from which, when the time comes, will float an enormous carp, its body inflated by the strong spring wind, its great mouth wide open, and its eyes glaring hideously, as it fights its way against the air currents. sometimes there will be half a dozen such poles in one yard,—signs either that the household is blessed with many boys, or that the way to its heart is through gifts of toys to its son and heir. when the great day at last arrives, the feast within the home is conducted in much the same way as the feast of dolls. there are the same red-covered shelves, the same offerings of food and drink; but instead of the placid[364] images of the emperor and empress and the five court musicians, the household furnishings and toilet articles, there are effigies of the heroes of history and folklore: jingo, the warrior empress; takenouchi, her white-haired prime minister, holding in his arms her son, the infant war-god; benkei, the giant retainer of yoshitsune; yoshitsune himself, the marvelous fencer and general; kintaro, the fat, hairy, red boy, who was born and grew up in the mountains, and even in his babyhood fought with bears; shoki sama, the strong man who could conquer oni;—these are some of the characters to be found on the shelves at the boys' feast. behind each figure stands a flag with the crest of the hero that it represents, and before them are set all manner of weapons in miniature. the food offered is mochi wrapped in oak leaves, because the oak is among trees what the carp is among fishes, the emblem of strength and endurance. the flower of this day is the iris or flag, because of its sword-shaped leaves,—hence the name, shobu matsuri, feast of iris or flag.

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another feast, which, while not founded for the boys, seems to have been adopted by them as a great occasion, is what is known as buddha's birthday, celebrated on april eighth. on this day in every buddhist temple a temporary platform is erected, the roof of which is covered with flowers. upon this platform, in a great tub filled with licorice tea, is set a small image of the infant buddha. hither flock the small boys with bamboo dippers, and spend the day ladling up the tea and pouring it over the image, and then ladling it out into small bamboo buckets. this licorice tea, through contact with the image, acquires miraculous healing properties, and the devout, after making offerings of money twisted up in white paper, carry away the little buckets. the tea is good for the eyes and the throat, and if some of it be used in mixing ink, and then, with the ink thus mixed, a charm be written and placed about the house, it will keep away all vermin. it is not easy to see exactly what the fascination of this feast is to the boys, but i am told that many of them like it even better[366] than their own specially appointed day.

but of all the delights that come into the year, there is nothing to compare for joyous excitement with the great matsuri of the parish temple. for at least a week beforehand there are enough interesting things going on in every house and shop along the street to keep every small boy in the parish agog from morning till night. here are lanterns being made with the mon of the gods on one side and the rising sun of the japanese flag on the other. there a dancing platform is being erected, and at every stage of its development it is swarming with active youngsters, who shin up its poles, turn somersaults on the platform, and sit in rows on its edge, with bare legs swinging high over the heads of the passers-by; and when it is done, and the drums installed, they take turns all day and far into the night in keeping them going. then, too, there are the dashi, or floats, on one of which each street in the parish spends its money and its ingenuity. how the boys haunt the shops in which they are being made! how they watch the wondrous changes of paper[367] into flowers, and of bamboo and cotton cloth into sea waves, or castle walls, or monsters of earth or sea or air! how they chatter and wriggle and push and squirm for front places, when at last the great cars are built up in the open street, the marvelous edifices erected upon them, and at the top of all the heroic figures of well-known mythological or historical characters rise majestic in flowing robes! then, when the black bullocks, resplendent in collars and halters of red rope, are yoked to the triumphal car, and the structure moves slowly down the shouting street, how the boys crawl into every joint and cranny of the dashi, how they hang from every beam, how they yell from before and behind in sheer abandon of joy! and at last, when the procession forms, and with fantastically garbed men marching in front and wild-eyed singers yelling just behind them, with dancing-girls on moving platforms and jugglers and tumblers on the dashi themselves, the twenty or more festal cars move, with frequent stops, down to the temple, to escort the sacred symbols on their annual pilgrimage[368] through the parish, who so noisy or so ubiquitous as these same bullet-headed, blue-gowned boys? they bob up at every turn, ooze out at every pore of the procession, and enjoy, as only boys can enjoy, the noise and confusion, the barbaric splendor, the dancing and tumbling, the mumming and drumming, the excruciating howls of the singers, the jingling of the marshals' iron-ringed staves, the clapping of the great wooden clappers that time the movement and the stops of the pageant.

better than all, perhaps, is the evening, when the streets, lighted by many lanterns, are filled with throngs of holiday-makers,—now stopping to stare in at some shop where the devout worshiper has established a beautiful shrine, has set out mochi and other offerings before some image, or has arranged a landscape garden in a box, or constructed a matsuri procession just entering the court of a miniature temple; now haggling with the ever-present booth-keepers for lanterns or cakes or hairpins to take back to the friends left at home. suddenly there is a joyous, rhythmic[369] shout of many excited boyish voices, there is a gleaming of square red lanterns, a whirl and a rush through the crowd. now is the time to get out of the way, for the boys move quickly and are too excited to turn aside for anything. on they come at a sharp trot, each little round head bound about with a fillet of blue and white toweling, each lithe, active body more or less covered by a blue and white gown, all shouting in unison and bearing on their shoulders a miniature dashi, made most often of a saké tub mounted on a frame, and decorated with lanterns and white paper. they charge through the crowd, which makes way quickly at their approach, until the pace, the weight of their burden, and the frantic shouting exhaust their breath. then they plunge down a side street, rest for a few moments, gather themselves together, and charge once more into the crowd. there must be some pretty tired little boys in the parish when the fun is all over, for these performances are kept up far into the night; but for absolute and perfect enjoyment there is nothing i have yet seen that seems to me to compare [370]with the enjoyment that a japanese boy gets out of a matsuri. it is worth being tired for!

there is no space in this work for a more detailed picture of life in a japanese home. enough has been said in this chapter to show that it is made up of many little things,—of cares and sorrows and pleasures,—just as is life in any american home, and it is the little things we care about that make the oneness of the family, and the nation, and the oneness, too, of humanity, if we can only understand one another.