persecution of the wesleyan missionaries in the west indies.
the exertions of christians to spread the truths of the gospel among the africans in the west indies, have met with much opposition from the white population. moravian missionaries, at first, sold themselves as slaves, and laboured with the negroes on the plantations for the purpose of preaching the gospel during the intervals of labour. the methodist missionaries have been treated with much indignity, and have had their lives endangered by the violence of the white mob. in 1816, the white rabble of barbadoes, collected together, and totally destroyed the methodist chapel. the destruction of the chapel occupied two successive nights, and so listless were the authorities, that no attempt was made to prevent it. and when the governor issued a proclamation, offering a reward to any person who should apprehend the leaders in this outrageous proceeding, the mob immediately issued a counter proclamation, threatening with death any one who should dare to comply with the governor's orders.
in august, 1823, an insurrection took place at demerara, among the negroes, which was most unjustly attributed to the efforts of the missionaries. the principal events in relation to this affair are detailed in the subjoined account from the missionary herald.
various accounts have, from time to time, appeared in the public prints, of the insurrection of the slaves in the colony of demerara, and of the condemnation of the rev. mr. smith, a missionary from the london missionary society, on an accusation of having been accessary[446] to the plot. we have collected and embodied such of the leading facts, relative to these transactions, as have come to our knowledge.
the slaves of many plantations on the eastern coast of demerara had formed a conspiracy to obtain their freedom. the plot was disclosed by a servant to his master on the 18th of august; not till the conspiracy was thoroughly organized, and arrangements made to secure simultaneous movements; and only a few hours before the time appointed for action. information was immediately communicated to the commander-in-chief, and the most efficient measures taken; but before a sufficient force could be assembled to resist a large body of negroes, who were immediately under arms, the evening, which was the time for executing the first grand enterprise, had arrived. this was simultaneously to seize upon the whites at the different plantations, confine them in the stocks, and take possession of their arms. this was effected on nearly fifty plantations, containing, inclusive of women and children, 10 or 12,000 negroes. the whites, to the number of about 250, were imprisoned. in some places an ineffectual resistance was made, and several lives lost on both sides.
on the morning of the 19th, the governor issued a proclamation, declaring the colony under martial law, and ordered all who were capable of bearing arms, without distinction, to be immediately enrolled. the most vigorous measures were pursued; and in the course of a few days, after several skirmishes, in which a considerable number of negroes lost their lives, the insurrection was subdued.
a court martial was then constituted, and many of the negroes brought to trial, condemned and executed. subsequent accounts state that more than 1000 had suffered death, in consequence of the insurrection, and that many of their heads had been fixed up on poles in various parts of the country.
we might easily be more particular in regard to the circumstances of the insurrection, but our object is chiefly to relate what concerns the missionary who was accused of having a part in the scheme, and the other missionaries in the colony. on these points we have to regret that the information which has yet been received is very scanty and in many respects indefinite.
the extract which follows is from the missionary chronicle, and was published in the name of the directors of the london missionary society.
the insurrection it should seem, manifested itself first in mahaica, the district to the east of that in which mr. smith resides. its appearance on the le ressouvenir estate, where mr. smith resides, was on monday, the 18th august, in consequence of an order to take into custody two slaves belonging to an adjoining plantation, whom the negroes of the le ressouvenir, as the prisoners had to pass over it, rose to rescue. mr. smith was at home. he successfully used his endeavours, on perceiving the tumult, to rescue the manager from the negroes, and continued his exertions to induce them to return to[447] their duty, till he himself was driven with violence, and with a weapon held to his body, from the estate.
mr. smith was taken into custody on the evening of the 21st august, and all his papers seized. he is kept a prisoner in the colony-house, and has, since the 24th of august, had a guard stationed over him.
mr. elliot, another missionary, who laboured about 20 miles from mr. smith, was also taken into custody, on the ground of disobedience of orders, "which he had not understood to be such," in visiting mr. smith in his confinement. he was kept about ten days, and then released. no charge was preferred against him. the estates on which he labours had been quiet, and none of the negroes under his instructions were implicated in the rebellion.
in a letter to the directors of the london missionary society, mr elliot writes thus:
numerous false reports have been sent forth against mr. smith, but assure yourself and all the directors, that whatever reports you may hear, the only crime the missionaries have committed is their zeal for the conversion of the negroes. they have neither been so weak nor so wicked as to excite the negroes to rebellion. the missionaries want justice only; they have no favour to ask; they have nothing to fear. the missionaries have not degraded their holy calling, nor dishonoured the society of which they are members, by sowing the seeds of rebellion instead of the word of life. the real causes of the rebellion are far, very far from being the instructions given by the missionaries.
on the 13th of october, mr. smith was brought to trial before a court martial. all the accounts which we have yet seen of the charges brought against him are very obscure and imperfect. the january number of the missionary chronicle, from which we have already quoted, says,—
the public papers have stated four charges as forming the indictment against him, but of their accuracy the directors are not enabled to judge. they trust that, under the direction of divine providence, he has been able to prove himself guiltless of them all.
it is not, however, to be concealed, that he will have had much to contend with from the violence of public prejudice in the colony, and it is to be feared from the false assertions of some of the unhappy negroes, whom the hope of favour towards themselves may have led to bring against him "things that he knew not." indeed, the directors are informed, upon authority on which they can rely, that some of the condemned negroes, finding the hope of life taken away, had in the most solemn manner declared that they had been induced so to act; and that others, on being questioned whether they had not been induced to rebellion by mr. smith, had in the strongest terms which their broken language could supply, denied the imputation. it is stated by the writer of one letter, that he has often heard charges circulated against the missionaries, as if spoken by the negroes at the[448] time of their execution, which he knew, (for he was a near spectator,) that they never had uttered.
we can as yet learn little more respecting the evidence which was produced before the court than that some of the negroes testified that the instructions of mr. smith had a tendency to make them dissatisfied with their condition, and that he knew of the plot before it was carried into execution.
he was condemned, and sentenced to death. the sentence was however transmitted by the governor, to england, for the consideration and ultimate decision of the king. what we know of the decision will be seen in the following paragraph, copied from the new-york observer of march 27th.
it appears from the london papers, that "the king has remitted the sentence of death of the court martial on mr. smith, the missionary of the london society in demerara, (which sentence was accompanied by a recommendation for mercy on the part of the court,) but has given orders that he should be dismissed from the colony, and should come under obligations not to reside within any of his majesty's colonial possessions in the west indies." the charges against mr. smith appear to have originated in the perjury of some of the negroes engaged in the insurrection.
in the mean time mr. smith was languishing under the influence of disease, which rendered the stroke of the executioner unnecessary to remove him from the earth. he died in prison, before the intelligence had arrived that his sentence was reversed. the following notice of his death appeared in the demerara courant.
died,—in the colonial jail, at demerara, february 9th, where he had been confined, as a state prisoner since the 26th of november last, on the termination of his trial by the general court martial, on a charge of high treason, sentence thereon having been transmitted to his majesty for his final decision—john smith, missionary; he had been in a poor state of health, and had been attended regularly by skilful physicians. we are happy to state, from personal inquiry and inspection, that this unhappy man had the utmost attention and kindness shewn to him, by the humane keeper of the prison, (mr. padmore,) all the time of his confinement. his apartment was airy and commodious, he had always at his command every comfort which his taste fancied or his necessities required. he has left a widow to deplore his fate, and deplore his loss.
the conviction which results from the present state of our information on this subject, is that, through prejudice and exasperated feeling, mr. smith was condemned, being innocent. the directors of the society under which he laboured, have, however, given us reason to look for further intelligence in a future number of the missionary chronicler, which we hope will soon arrive.
it appears that none of the negroes under the instruction of any missionary, either of the london or wesleyan missionary society except mr. smith, were implicated in the insurrection. respecting[449] the methodists in the colony we quote the following statement from the wesleyan methodist magazine:
we stated in our last number, that messrs. mortier and cheesewright, our missionaries in demerara were safe, and that only two of the members of our society there had been apprehended on suspicion of being implicated in the late revolt. we have received a second letter from mr. mortier, dated demerara, september seventeenth, which communicated the gratifying intelligence that these two persons, who were servants of the governor, had been liberated upon full conviction of their entire innocence, and that no one of the members of our large society of twelve hundred and sixteen, chiefly slaves, had been in the least concerned in the revolt: and that the slaves of another estate, under the care of mr. cheesewright, had not only refused to join the rebels, but had conducted their master to a vessel, by which he reached georgetown in safety.
case of rev. john smith.
the london missionary chronicle for march contains a statement respecting mr. smith's case, occupying, with accompanying documents nearly twelve pages, which confirms the impression that mr. smith was innocent. the directors of the london missionary society, after stating some circumstances relative to his trial, says.
the directors having stated these points of serious objection (and more might easily be found,) to the proceedings on the trial, conclude that the members of the society, and the candid beyond its circle, will approve of their declaring that they retain the conviction formerly expressed, of the moral and legal innocence of their missionary, smith; that they do not withdraw from him their confidence; and that they are "not ashamed of his bonds." they regard him as an unmerited sufferer, in the diligent and faithful, and it may be added, useful discharge of his duties, as a missionary; and they earnestly wish the divine forgiveness may be extended to those who may have been instrumental in causing his sufferings.
the rev. mr. austin, a clergyman of the church of england, and chaplain of the colony, thus expresses his opinion in a private letter.
"i feel no hesitation in declaring, from the intimate knowledge which my most anxious inquiries have obtained, that in the late scourge which the hand of an all-wise creator has inflicted on this ill-fated country, nothing but those religious impressions which, under providence, mr. smith has been instrumental in fixing—nothing but those principles of the gospel of peace which he has been proclaiming—could have prevented a dreadful effusion of blood here, and saved the lives of these very persons who are now (i shudder to write it,) seeking his."
the following extract of a letter from william arrindell, esq. of demerara, mr. smith's counsel, addressed to mrs. smith, after the trial, is also inserted.[450]
"it is almost presumptuous in me to differ from the sentence of a court, but, before god, i do believe mr. smith to be innocent; nay, i will go further, and defy any minister, of any sect whatever, to have shewn a more faithful attention to his sacred duties, than he has been proved, by the evidence on his trial, to have done."
the directors had resolved to take further measures for obtaining, in england the reversal of his sentence.
this subject was brought before the english parliament, and after a full and fair discussion, the innocence of mr. smith was established beyond a question. the following from the london christian observer gives an account of the proceedings in parliament.
a debate of two days' continuance on the case of the missionary smith has taken place in the house of commons. a motion was made by mr. brougham, to express the serious alarm and deep sorrow with which the house contemplated the violation of law and justice, manifested in the unexampled proceedings against mr. smith in demerara, and their sense of the necessity of adopting measures to secure a just and humane administration of law in that colony, and to protect the voluntary instruction of the negroes, as well as the negroes themselves, and the rest of his majesty's subjects from oppression. this motion was supported by mr. brougham with a power of argument and eloquence which has seldom been equalled; and he was followed on the same side by sir james mackintosh, dr. lushington, mr. j williams, mr. wilberforce, mr. denman, and sir joseph yorke. the motion was opposed by mr. horton, mr. scarlett, mr. tindal, the attorney general, and mr. canning, on the ground, not of the legality of the proceedings, or of the justice of the sentence, but that the motion went to condemn unheard the governor of demerara, and the court that tried mr. smith. on this ground the previous question was moved and carried by 193 to 146, the largest minority in the present session. the division, under all the circumstances of the case may be considered as a triumph. not an individual attempted to defend the proceedings. in short, nothing could have been more decisive of the innocence of mr. smith, and the injustice of his condemnation.
persecutions of the wesleyan methodists in st. domingo.
we extract from the publications of the wesleyan missionary society, the following account of the aggressions committed upon the protestant population of hayti, by the roman catholics of that island, during the year 1824.
persecutions at port au prince.
the following extracts from the journal of mr. st. denis, and letters of mr. pressoir, members of the methodist society at port au prince, we copied from the wesleyan magazine. the first extracts are from the journal of mr. st. denis.[451]
on sunday, feb. 2d, our assembly was held at belair. during the morning service several stones were thrown.
feb. 4. whilst we were singing, a shower of stones was thrown, but no one received any injury.
that evening (feb. 7th) we had a small assembly of thirty-two persons. a plan had been laid for apprehending us, which was put in execution. we had time to sing a hymn, read a chapter, and a homily; but whilst singing the second hymn, the noise of the soldiers was so great in approaching our house of prayer, that we were obliged to cease singing. wishing, however, to continue our meeting, an officer of the police said, "in the name of the law, leave off that prayer!" then we left off. not finding j. c. pressoir, they made me his second. we were taken to general thomas's, who pretended to be ignorant of the matter. colonel victor pretended to be ignorant also. when we reached the house of the juge de paix, we were ordered to halt for a moment. colonel victor knocked at his door, the juge de paix asked who we were, and was answered, "a band of methodists." the juge de paix said, "ha! ha! take them to the jail!" col. victor replied, "yes!" we were led to prison, and each of our names was taken. the sisters were put in the debtor's place, and the men were shut up in close confinement.
the next morning, the person who keeps the keys of the prison under the jailer told us, that the juge de paix would not allow our door to be opened; but the jailer went and spoke respecting it, and our door was opened about nine o'clock. a moment after the juge de paix came to visit us, and addressing himself to me in anger, i wished to reply: he would not listen to me; but began to blaspheme religion, despising the lord. he withdrew in anger, without being able to do any thing with us. a moment after he left us, we were taken into the debtor's prison, near to the sisters, in a separate chamber.
when mr. pressoir heard of this event, he visited his brethren at the prison. the following extract is from one of his letters.
i would not run into prison of my own accord, but having waited, and finding nothing was said to us, i went to see my brethren and sisters. i found there were thirty-two, and st. denis preparing to write to the president, which he did, and i carried this letter to his excellency, by which we requested him to cause us to be judged, and punished, if we were found guilty by the law. when i arrived under the piazza of the palace, i asked an officer on duty if i could see the president, who answered, yes. i entered the hall, where i found the president seated, and surrounded by a circle, as well of officers as civilians. after saluting them, i presented the letter to the president, who asked me from whence it came. i replied, "from the methodists who are in prison." his good humour was immediately changed. "methodists," said he, "i did not know that." colonel victor, who was present, thinking that through fear i would wish to conceal myself, addressed himself to the president, saying, "president, this is a[452] methodist," as if the president did not know it. immediately the president replied, "you are fanatics." "pardon me, president, we are not." "why, you have changed your religion." "if i have changed my religion, president, it is the government which has made me do it." "how is that?" said he. "it was the late president who sent for the missionaries. i heard the letter read, and saw the late president's signature: this is what i can tell you." "enough, enough," said he, "i will send an answer." i went to the prison and waited till it was late; but hearing nothing, and being ill of the fever, i returned to my mother's.
the next day orders were given for the brethren and sisters to appear before the chief judge. a dollar was demanded of each on leaving prison, and they were conducted by a single serjeant. on their arrival the chief judge forbade them, in the name of the president, to assemble together again. "no one can hinder you from worshipping god as you please; but let every one abide at home, for as often as you are found assembled you shall be put in prison; and if you unhappily persist, i have received orders to disperse you every where." several wished to reply, but he refused to listen, saying, "it is not from me; it is not my fault; these orders are given me." all our brethren and sisters went out, animated with a holy zeal, determining not to abandon their assemblies. the next day we were assembled. after an exhortation we sung a hymn which being finished, we kneeled down to pray: a shower of stones came, as if they would have demolished the house, and have stoned us like stephen. with one accord we commended ourselves to our faithful creator, and continued in prayer till they had ceased.
in a subsequent letter, dated july 31st, he writes:—
since the lord has granted us the favour of meeting again, we have continued our assemblies without intermission, although forbidden to do this under pain of prison and exile. the only interruption we meet with is bad words, and a few stones now and then; and i am become so marked, that i cannot go out without people crying after me, "methodist! parson!"—with a contemptuous sneer, and a thousand other things not fit to write, but which serve only to strengthen my faith in the promises of him who is faithful; till last sunday some foolish young women came to revile us; and on tuesday evening, whilst reading, stones were thrown, and whilst we were at prayer a great number rushed in, armed with sabres, sticks, and, if i mistake not, with stones, crying out, "in the name of the law," as if they had been authorized by the heads of the people to arrest us. this band consisted of boys, led on to commit disorders by a set of idle, good-for-nothing persons, of the worst class, who had armed themselves with sabres, and were disguised with old cocked hats; trying thus to show their bravery over those who would make no resistance. but the hairs of our head are all numbered; nor have they been permitted to hurt any of us to the present. it would be useless for us to ask or hope for the protection of the law; and we are[453] thus led to place all our confidence in god, who can and will deliver us in his time. and if the lord is for me, of whom should i be afraid? he that spared not his own son, but delivered him up for me, will he not with him freely give me all things? i have already experienced that all my sufferings for his name are great blessings to me. all my care is about his church; and what wisdom does it require to conduct so many persons of such different dispositions! i feel new wants daily.
the following brief view of the persecutions of the methodists, in hayti, is taken from "missionary notices," published by the wesleyan missionary society. this account gave some particulars in addition to those narrated in the details inserted above:
we regret to find,—say the committee of that society,—from the following letter received from mr. pressoir, that our poor persecuted society at port-au-prince, so long the object of popish rancour, has again had to sustain the brutal outrages of an ignorant mob, incited it would seem, in another place, by persons calling themselves "respectable," and without experiencing any protection from the local authorities. the committee have endeavoured to obtain for them the common protection of the laws of their own country, by applications through various quarters, and hope they may be ultimately successful. in the mean time this excellent and suffering people are entitled to the special sympathies, and earnest prayers, of the friends of missions. we trust that they may yet, by their meek and patient suffering, and heroic perseverance, obtain that liberty of worship which they so earnestly desire.
the letter from mr. pressoir is dated about a year since. the following extracts describe the violence of the mob:
i have read of many instances of martyrdom for the testimony of jesus christ, but i have not yet read a passage which relates that the people of a city rose up like murderers, with a very few exceptions, to stone a few persons met together in a house, as our fathers, mothers, brethren, and children have done unto us not long ago. o cruel people! they began to throw stones at us at five o'clock in the afternoon, and continued their assaults till ten o'clock, committing all kinds of violence. they broke down the doors, broke open the windows, destroyed the first and second partitions in the upper chambers; in a word, every thing that was in the house, and beat with their cowskin-whips the brethren and sisters there, without showing compassion for either age or youth or even infancy. i believe i suffered the least of any. only a great emissary of satan, seized my left hand, and lifting up his whip declared he would knock me down, if i did not say "almighty god, the virgin mary." my only answer was, turning my back. several times he even brought his whip to my neck, and afterwards laid it on my shoulder, raging and abusing me with all the fury of anti-christ. but he that numbered my hairs did not allow one of them to fall to the ground. thanks be to him for confidence in his holy word, which is firmer than heaven[454] on earth. when the populace entered to knock down our sisters i was in the first chamber, and hearing their cries, i tried to force my way to them, to try if i could render them any assistance; then the tyrant persecutor struck me several times on my hat, but i received no injury. but we were in great danger; those who wished to go out were stoned, beaten, torn, outraged, and brought back to the house, where they exercised their dark cruelty. it appeared as if satan was unchained, and had come forth to make war against those whom the truth of the gospel had made free, and to crush those who had believed the testimony of the son of god.
i ask, then, by whom have we been protected, and delivered unto this day? was it by magistrates, judges, and police officers? or by the other guards appointed to appease riots and defend the law? it is true, they were present in great numbers, but it was rather to advise and direct others. some brought barrows full of stones, and others threw them, and said to the cruel populace, that, since we were so obstinate, the government had given us into their hands, and they might do to us whatever they pleased; and they did treat us with inhumanity and the greatest violence.
it was impossible to go out without being beaten, stoned, dragged, abused, and covered with dirt, and in the end we could neither buy nor sell without being dragged before a magistrate, beat, and covered with spitting and mud, and all kinds of outrages. they went beyond porte marchant to brother floran's, sister claire's, and j. p. j. lusant's. at brother floran's they destroyed every thing in the garden, and treated his wife, already broken with age, with the greatest inhumanity; dragging sister claire by her feet out of the house, as also her god-daughter. and at j. p. j. lusant's what disorders have they not committed amongst those poor persons, who have fled from the town to have some tranquility. i must tell you one circumstance which j. p. j. l. told me, to show you the cowardice of persecutors; five or six of them entered his gate, concealing their swords, making up to him with loud vociferations; seeing them coming, he went into his house, took an old rusty musket without flint, and levelling it at them, they all instantly fled with all speed, saying, "the quakers don't carry arms, and see this old quaker hero intends killing us."
alluding to the letter of mr. pressoir, above noticed, and to other communications received about the same time, the wesleyan committee remark, in their publication for july, 1824.
in a recent number we laid before our readers some extracts of letters from our afflicted and persecuted society at port-au-prince, hayti; from which it appeared that several of them had again been called to suffer bonds for the cause of christ; that the house in which they were in the habit of assembling for religious worship was demolished; and that they themselves were delivered up to the will of a blind and infuriated populace, the magistrates refusing to afford them any protection against the outrages to which they were daily exposed. from later communications we learn, that, on an appeal being made by letter to the president, those in prison were set at liberty; and[455] that a proclamation was made by his excellency's orders, forbidding any one to stone, injure, or otherwise persecute the methodists, but at the same time prohibiting all meetings of our society for religious worship; on pain of being arrested.
notwithstanding the above proclamation, our people have still to suffer, in various ways, the insults and persecutions of the rabble. they continue, as they are able, and can find opportunity, to meet together for prayer, &c.
the letter to president boyer shows very clearly the pacific character and object of these protestants. it is too important a part of these documents to be omitted.
president,—you are acquainted with our society, formed here six years ago. the end of our meeting together is, to invoke the blessing of god, not only on ourselves, but also on the government, its magistrates, and even on those who evil entreat us without cause; for we do not hate them, nor render evil for evil. this is what our religion commands. it is not that we wish by our meetings to disobey our president; but our desire is to obey god our sovereign, and his law requires that we should love the head that he has placed over us.
we know that your excellency will not approve the conduct of those who have stoned and evil entreated us without cause. we have been treated as enemies to the government, yet are not such. yesterday we were arrested and put in prison, by order of general thomas, who at once without examination, pronounced our sentence. and we know this was not by order of the president, which renders it our indisputable duty to give you information thereof.
president, let our society be narrowly examined, and if fault is found in us, we are willing to suffer the punishment we merit.
confidently expecting your favourable reply, we have the honour of saluting you most respectfully.
to this letter the president did not reply, but ordered those, who had been arrested, to be set at liberty. ten days after the date of the letter to the president, a letter was written, from which the following paragraphs are taken. the concluding sentences open the way for putting a favourable construction on the intentions of the president.
a proclamation was made in the name of general thomas, commandant of the place, to prevent any one from throwing stones at the methodists, forbidding every one to evil entreat them, or to go before their houses to insult them. but by that proclamation we were also forbidden to meet together, and informed that should we meet, the police is ordered to arrest us; but as for the people, they ought not to interfere, nor throw stones, because we are citizens of the republic. this is the substance of the proclamation.
although this proclamation was made, yet the people did not cease to ill treat us, and cry after us, as we went along. general thomas gets out of that affair by saying, that they only made use of his name[456] when he had nothing to do in it. "but, take care," said he, "if that continue, that it do not cost the life of some one."
one of our sisters visited the president, to whom she made her complaints, and informed him that it was said, that it was by his order that these things were done. he received her very politely, assured her that this was not so, but that he was exceedingly sorry that we should be improperly treated, and that he had written to general thomas to that effect, and if the general did not attend to his orders he could not hold any command in the republic. in consequence of this the general made the above proclamation. the president also told her, that he could not allow us to hold our meetings, because we were not in peace; that france was proposing to march upon us, &c. &c. since the last persecution, we enjoy, by the grace of god, the means of praying, when several of us meet together.
