causes of the change of ministry not generally understood.—catholic emancipation.—the change acceptable to the nation.—state of parties.—strength of the new administration.—its good effects.—popularity of mr addington.
the change of ministry is considered as a national blessing. the system of terror, of alarm, and of espionage, has been laid aside, the most burthensome of the taxes repealed, and a sincere desire manifested on the part of the new minister to meet the wishes of the nation.
it must nevertheless be admitted, that, however unfortunately for their country, and for the general interests of europe, the late administration may have employed 128their power, the motives which induced them to withdraw, and the manner in which they retired, are highly honourable to their personal characters. the immediate cause was this:—they had held out the promise of emancipation to the irish catholics as a means of reconciling them to the union. while the two countries were governed by separate legislatures, it was very possible, if the catholics were admitted to their rights, that a majority in the irish house might think proper to restore the old religion of the people, to which it is well known with what exemplary fidelity the great majority of the irish nation still adhere. but when once the representatives of both countries should be united in one parliament, no such consequence could be apprehended; for, though all the irish members should be catholics, they would still be a minority. the old ministry had thus represented the union as a measure which would remove the objection to catholic emancipation, and pledged 129themselves to grant that emancipation, after it should have been effected—this act of justice being the price which they were to pay for it to the people of ireland. but they had not calculated upon the king’s character, whose zeal, as the defender of the faith, makes it greatly to be lamented that he has not a better faith to defend. he, as head of the church of england, conceives himself bound by his coronation oath to suffer no innovation in favour of popery, as these schismatics contemptuously call the religion of the fathers and of the apostles, and this scruple it was impossible to overcome. the bishops, who might have had some influence over him, were all, as may well be imagined, decidedly hostile to any measure of favour or justice to the true faith, and the ministry had no alternative but to break their pledged promise or to resign their offices. that this is the real state of the case, i have been assured on such authority that i cannot entertain the slightest doubt: it 130is, however, by no means generally believed to be so by the people; but i cannot find that they have any other reason for their disbelief, than a settled opinion that statesmen always consider their own private interest in preference to every thing else; in plain language, that there is no such virtue in existence as political honesty. and they persist in supposing that there is more in this resignation than has yet been made public, though the change is now of so long standing, and though they perceive that the late ministers have not accepted either titles or pensions, as has been usual on such occasions, and thus sufficiently proved that disinterestedness of which they will not believe them capable.
but it is commonly said, they went out because they could not decently make peace with buonaparte—wait a little while and you will see them in again. this is confuted by the conduct of the former cabinet, all the leading members of which, except mr pitt, have violently declared 131themselves against the peace. they cry out that it is the most foolish, mischievous, and dishonourable treaty that ever was concluded: that it cannot possibly be lasting, and that it will be the ruin of the nation. the nation, however, is very well persuaded that no better was to be had, very thankful for a respite from alarm, and a relief of taxation, and very well convinced, by its own disposition to maintain the peace, that it is in no danger of being broken.—and the nation is perfectly right. exhausted as france and england both are, it is equally necessary to one country as to the other. france wants to make herself a commercial country, to raise a navy, and to train up sailors; england wants to recover from the expenses of a ten-years war, and they are miserable politicians who suppose that any new grounds of dispute can arise, important enough to overpower these considerations.
pitt, on the other hand, defends the peace; and many persons suppose that he 132will soon make his appearance again in administration. this is not very likely, on account of the catholic question, to which he is as strongly pledged as the grenville party; but the present difference between him and that party seems to show that the inflexibility of the former cabinet is not to be imputed to him. peace, upon as good terms as the present, might, beyond all doubt, have been made at any time during the war; and as he is satisfied with it, it is reasonable to suppose that he would have made it sooner if he could. his opinion has all the weight that you would expect; and as the old opposition members are equally favourable to the measures of the new administration, the ministry may look upon themselves as secure. the war-faction can muster only a very small minority, and they are as thoroughly unpopular as the friends of peace and good order could wish them to be.
i know not how i can give you a higher opinion of the present premier than by 133saying, that his enemies have nothing worse to object against him than that his father was a physician. even in spain we have never thought it necessary to examine the pedigree of a statesman, and in england such a cause of complaint is indeed ridiculous. they call him the doctor on this account;—a minister of healing he has truly been; he has poured balm and oil into the wounds of the country, and the country is blessing him. the peace with france is regarded by the wiser persons with whom i have conversed as a trifling good, compared to the internal pacification which mr addington has effected. he immediately put a stop to the system of irritation; there was an end of suspicion, and alarm, and plots; conspiracies were no longer to be heard of, when spies were no longer paid for forming them. the distinction of parties had been as inveterately marked as that between new and old christians a century ago in spain, and it was as effectually removed by this change of ministry, 134as if an act of forgetfulness had been enforced by miracle. parties are completely dislocated by the peace; it has shaken things like an earthquake, and they are not yet settled after the shock. i have heard it called the great political thaw,—happily in spain we do not know what a great frost is sufficiently to understand the full force of the expression.
thus much, however, may plainly be perceived. the whig party regard it as a triumph to have any other minister than pitt, and their antagonists are equally glad to have any other minister than fox. a still larger part of the people, connected with government by the numberless hooks and eyes of patronage and influence, are ready to support any minister whatsoever, in any measures whatsoever: and others more respectable, neither few in number, nor feeble in weight, act with the same blind acquiescence from a sense of duty. all these persons agree in supporting mr addington, who is attacked by none but 135the violent enemies of the popular cause, now, of course, the objects of popular hatred and obloquy themselves. some people expect to see him take fox into the administration, others think he will prefer pitt; it is not very likely that he should venture to trust either, for he must know that if either should[10] enter at the sleeve, he would get out at the collar.
10. entraria por la manga, y saldria por el cabezon.
to the eloquence of his predecessor, the present premier makes no pretensions, and he is liked the better for it. the english say they have paid quite enough for fine speeches; he tells them a plain story, and gains credit by fair dealing. his enemies naturally depreciate his talents: as far as experience goes, it confutes them. he has shown talents enough to save the country from the northern confederacy, the most serious danger to which it was exposed during the whole war; to make a peace which has satisfied all the reasonable 136part of the nation, and to restore unanimity at home, and that freedom of opinion which was almost abrogated. from all that i can learn, mr addington is likely long to retain his situation; and sure i am that were he to retire from it, he would take with him the regret and the blessings of the people.
