change of masters—benefits derived by the change—fame of the fight

with covey—reckless unconcern—my abhorrence of slavery—ability

to read a cause of prejudice—the holidays—how spent—sharp hit at

slavery—effects of holidays—a device of slavery—difference between

covey and freeland—an irreligious master preferred to a religious

one—catalogue of floggable offenses—hard life at covey’s

useful—improved condition not followed by contentment—congenial

society at freeland’s—sabbath school instituted—secrecy

necessary—affectionate relations of tutor and pupils—confidence

and friendship among slaves—i decline publishing particulars of

conversations with my friends—slavery the inviter of vengeance.

my term of actual service to mr. edward covey ended on christmas day, 1834. i gladly left the snakish covey, although he was now as gentle as a lamb. my home for the year 1835 was already secured—my next master was already selected. there is always more or less excitement about the matter of changing hands, but i had become somewhat reckless. i cared very little into whose hands i fell—i meant to fight my way. despite of covey, too, the report got abroad, that i was hard to whip; that i was guilty of kicking back; that though generally a good tempered negro, i sometimes “got the devil in me.” these sayings were rife in talbot county, and they distinguished me among my servile brethren. slaves, generally, will fight each other, and die at each other’s hands; but there are few who are not held in awe by a white man. trained from the cradle up, to think and[194] feel that their masters are superior, and invested with a sort of sacredness, there are few who can outgrow or rise above the control which that sentiment exercises. i had now got free from it, and the thing was known. one bad sheep will spoil a whole flock. among the slaves, i was a bad sheep. i hated slavery, slaveholders, and all pertaining to them; and i did not fail to inspire others with the same feeling, wherever and whenever opportunity was presented. this made me a marked lad among the slaves, and a suspected one among the slaveholders. a knowledge of my ability to read and write, got pretty widely spread, which was very much against me.

the days between christmas day and new year’s, are allowed the slaves as holidays. during these days, all regular work was suspended, and there was nothing to do but to keep fires, and look after the stock. this time was regarded as our own, by the grace of our masters, and we, therefore used it, or abused it, as we pleased. those who had families at a distance, were now expected to visit them, and to spend with them the entire week. the younger slaves, or the unmarried ones, were expected to see to the cattle, and attend to incidental duties at home. the holidays were variously spent. the sober, thinking and industrious ones of our number, would employ themselves in manufacturing corn brooms, mats, horse collars and baskets, and some of these were very well made. another class spent their time in hunting opossums, coons, rabbits, and other game. but the majority spent the holidays in sports, ball playing, wrestling, boxing, running foot races, dancing, and drinking whisky; and this latter mode of spending the time was generally most agreeable to their masters. a slave who would work during the holidays, was thought, by his master, undeserving of holidays. such an one had rejected the favor of his master. there was, in this simple act of continued work, an accusation against slaves; and a slave could not help thinking, that if he made three dollars during the holidays, he might make three hundred during the year. not to be drunk during the holidays,[195] was disgraceful; and he was esteemed a lazy and improvident man, who could not afford to drink whisky during christmas.

the fiddling, dancing and “jubilee beating,” was going on in all directions. this latter performance is strictly southern. it supplies the place of a violin, or of other musical instruments, and is played so easily, that almost every farm has its “juba” beater. the performer improvises as he beats, and sings his merry songs, so ordering the words as to have them fall pat with the movement of his hands. among a mass of nonsense and wild frolic, once in a while a sharp hit is given to the meanness of slaveholders. take the following, for an example:

we raise de wheat,

dey gib us de corn;

we bake de bread,

dey gib us de cruss;

we sif de meal,

dey gib us de huss;

we peal de meat,

dey gib us de skin,

and dat’s de way

dey takes us in.

we skim de pot,

dey gib us the liquor,

and say dat’s good enough for nigger.

walk over! walk over!

tom butter and de fat;

poor nigger you can’t get over dat;

walk over!

this is not a bad summary of the palpable injustice and fraud of slavery, giving—as it does—to the lazy and idle, the comforts which god designed should be given solely to the honest laborer. but to the holiday’s.

judging from my own observation and experience, i believe these holidays to be among the most effective means, in the hands of slaveholders, of keeping down the spirit of insurrection among the slaves.

to enslave men, successfully and safely, it is necessary to[196] have their minds occupied with thoughts and aspirations short of the liberty of which they are deprived. a certain degree of attainable good must be kept before them. these holidays serve the purpose of keeping the minds of the slaves occupied with prospective pleasure, within the limits of slavery. the young man can go wooing; the married man can visit his wife; the father and mother can see their children; the industrious and money loving can make a few dollars; the great wrestler can win laurels; the young people can meet, and enjoy each other’s society; the drunken man can get plenty of whisky; and the religious man can hold prayer meetings, preach, pray and exhort during the holidays. before the holidays, these are pleasures in prospect; after the holidays, they become pleasures of memory, and they serve to keep out thoughts and wishes of a more dangerous character. were slaveholders at once to abandon the practice of allowing their slaves these liberties, periodically, and to keep them, the year round, closely confined to the narrow circle of their homes, i doubt not that the south would blaze with insurrections. these holidays are conductors or safety valves to carry off the explosive elements inseparable from the human mind, when reduced to the condition of slavery. but for these, the rigors of bondage would become too severe for endurance, and the slave would be forced up to dangerous desperation. woe to the slaveholder when he undertakes to hinder or to prevent the operation of these electric conductors. a succession of earthquakes would be less destructive, than the insurrectionary fires which would be sure to burst forth in different parts of the south, from such interference.

thus, the holidays, became part and parcel of the gross fraud, wrongs and inhumanity of slavery. ostensibly, they are institutions of benevolence, designed to mitigate the rigors of slave life, but, practically, they are a fraud, instituted by human selfishness, the better to secure the ends of injustice and oppression. the slave’s happiness is not the end sought, but, rather, the master’s[197] safety. it is not from a generous unconcern for the slave’s labor that this cessation from labor is allowed, but from a prudent regard to the safety of the slave system. i am strengthened in this opinion, by the fact, that most slaveholders like to have their slaves spend the holidays in such a manner as to be of no real benefit to the slaves. it is plain, that everything like rational enjoyment among the slaves, is frowned upon; and only those wild and low sports, peculiar to semi-civilized people, are encouraged. all the license allowed, appears to have no other object than to disgust the slaves with their temporary freedom, and to make them as glad to return to their work, as they were to leave it. by plunging them into exhausting depths of drunkenness and dissipation, this effect is almost certain to follow. i have known slaveholders resort to cunning tricks, with a view of getting their slaves deplorably drunk. a usual plan is, to make bets on a slave, that he can drink more whisky than any other; and so to induce a rivalry among them, for the mastery in this degradation. the scenes, brought about in this way, were often scandalous and loathsome in the extreme. whole multitudes might be found stretched out in brutal drunkenness, at once helpless and disgusting. thus, when the slave asks for a few hours of virtuous freedom, his cunning master takes advantage of his ignorance, and cheers him with a dose of vicious and revolting dissipation, artfully labeled with the name of liberty. we were induced to drink, i among the rest, and when the holidays were over, we all staggered up from our filth and wallowing, took a long breath, and went away to our various fields of work; feeling, upon the whole, rather glad to go from that which our masters artfully deceived us into the belief was freedom, back again to the arms of slavery. it was not what we had taken it to be, nor what it might have been, had it not been abused by us. it was about as well to be a slave to master, as to be a slave to rum and whisky.

i am the more induced to take this view of the holiday system,[198] adopted by slaveholders, from what i know of their treatment of slaves, in regard to other things. it is the commonest thing for them to try to disgust their slaves with what they do not want them to have, or to enjoy. a slave, for instance, likes molasses; he steals some; to cure him of the taste for it, his master, in many cases, will go away to town, and buy a large quantity of the poorest quality, and set it before his slave, and, with whip in hand, compel him to eat it, until the poor fellow is made to sicken at the very thought of molasses. the same course is often adopted to cure slaves of the disagreeable and inconvenient practice of asking for more food, when their allowance has failed them. the same disgusting process works well, too, in other things, but i need not cite them. when a slave is drunk, the slaveholder has no fear that he will plan an insurrection; no fear that he will escape to the north. it is the sober, thinking slave who is dangerous, and needs the vigilance of his master, to keep him a slave. but, to proceed with my narrative.

on the first of january, 1835, i proceeded from st. michael’s to mr. william freeland’s, my new home. mr. freeland lived only three miles from st. michael’s, on an old worn out farm, which required much labor to restore it to anything like a self-supporting establishment.

i was not long in finding mr. freeland to be a very different man from mr. covey. though not rich, mr. freeland was what may be called a well-bred southern gentleman, as different from covey, as a well-trained and hardened negro breaker is from the best specimen of the first families of the south. though freeland was a slaveholder, and shared many of the vices of his class, he seemed alive to the sentiment of honor. he had some sense of justice, and some feelings of humanity. he was fretful, impulsive and passionate, but i must do him the justice to say, he was free from the mean and selfish characteristics which distinguished the creature from which i had now, happily, escaped. he was open, frank, imperative, and practiced no concealments,[199] disdaining to play the spy. in all this, he was the opposite of the crafty covey.

among the many advantages gained in my change from covey’s to freeland’s—startling as the statement may be—was the fact that the latter gentleman made no profession of religion. i assert most unhesitatingly, that the religion of the south—as i have observed it and proved it—is a mere covering for the most horrid crimes; the justifier of the most appalling barbarity; a sanctifier of the most hateful frauds; and a secure shelter, under which the darkest, foulest, grossest, and most infernal abominations fester and flourish. were i again to be reduced to the condition of a slave, next to that calamity, i should regard the fact of being the slave of a religious slaveholder, the greatest that could befall me. for all slaveholders with whom i have ever met, religious slaveholders are the worst. i have found them, almost invariably, the vilest, meanest and basest of their class. exceptions there may be, but this is true of religious slaveholders, as a class. it is not for me to explain the fact. others may do that; i simply state it as a fact, and leave the theological, and psychological inquiry, which it raises, to be decided by others more competent than myself. religious slaveholders, like religious persecutors, are ever extreme in their malice and violence. very near my new home, on an adjoining farm, there lived the rev. daniel weeden, who was both pious and cruel after the real covey pattern. mr. weeden was a local preacher of the protestant methodist persuasion, and a most zealous supporter of the ordinances of religion, generally. this weeden owned a woman called “ceal,” who was a standing proof of his mercilessness. poor ceal’s back, always scantily clothed, was kept literally raw, by the lash of this religious man and gospel minister. the most notoriously wicked man—so called in distinction from church members—could hire hands more easily than this brute. when sent out to find a home, a slave would never enter the gates of the preacher weeden, while a sinful sinner needed a hand. be[200] have ill, or behave well, it was the known maxim of weeden, that it is the duty of a master to use the lash. if, for no other reason, he contended that this was essential to remind a slave of his condition, and of his master’s authority. the good slave must be whipped, to be kept good, and the bad slave must be whipped, to be made good. such was weeden’s theory, and such was his practice. the back of his slave-woman will, in the judgment, be the swiftest witness against him.

while i am stating particular cases, i might as well immortalize another of my neighbors, by calling him by name, and putting him in print. he did not think that a “chiel” was near, “taking notes,” and will, doubtless, feel quite angry at having his character touched off in the ragged style of a slave’s pen. i beg to introduce the reader to rev. rigby hopkins. mr. hopkins resides between easton and st. michael’s, in talbot county, maryland. the severity of this man made him a perfect terror to the slaves of his neighborhood. the peculiar feature of his government, was, his system of whipping slaves, as he said, in advance of deserving it. he always managed to have one or two slaves to whip on monday morning, so as to start his hands to their work, under the inspiration of a new assurance on monday, that his preaching about kindness, mercy, brotherly love, and the like, on sunday, did not interfere with, or prevent him from establishing his authority, by the cowskin. he seemed to wish to assure them, that his tears over poor, lost and ruined sinners, and his pity for them, did not reach to the blacks who tilled his fields. this saintly hopkins used to boast, that he was the best hand to manage a negro in the county. he whipped for the smallest offenses, by way of preventing the commission of large ones.

the reader might imagine a difficulty in finding faults enough for such frequent whipping. but this is because you have no idea how easy a matter it is to offend a man who is on the look-out for offenses. the man, unaccustomed to slaveholding, would be astonished to observe how many foggable offenses there are in[201] the slaveholder’s catalogue of crimes; and how easy it is to commit any one of them, even when the slave least intends it. a slaveholder, bent on finding fault, will hatch up a dozen a day, if he chooses to do so, and each one of these shall be of a punishable description. a mere look, word, or motion, a mistake, accident, or want of power, are all matters for which a slave may be whipped at any time. does a slave look dissatisfied with his condition? it is said, that he has the devil in him, and it must be whipped out. does he answer loudly, when spoken to by his master, with an air of self-consciousness? then, must he be taken down a button-hole lower, by the lash, well laid on. does he forget, and omit to pull off his hat, when approaching a white person? then, he must, or may be, whipped for his bad manners. does he ever venture to vindicate his conduct, when harshly and unjustly accused? then, he is guilty of impudence, one of the greatest crimes in the social catalogue of southern society. to allow a slave to escape punishment, who has impudently attempted to exculpate himself from unjust charges, preferred against him by some white person, is to be guilty of great dereliction of duty. does a slave ever venture to suggest a better way of doing a thing, no matter what? he is, altogether, too officious—wise above what is written—and he deserves, even if he does not get, a flogging for his presumption. does he, while plowing, break a plow, or while hoeing, break a hoe, or while chopping, break an ax? no matter what were the imperfections of the implement broken, or the natural liabilities for breaking, the slave can be whipped for carelessness. the reverend slaveholder could always find something of this sort, to justify him in using the lash several times during the week. hopkins—like covey and weeden—were shunned by slaves who had the privilege (as many had) of finding their own masters at the end of each year; and yet, there was not a man in all that section of country, who made a louder profession of religion, than did mr. rigby hopkins.[202]

but, to continue the thread of my story, through my experience when at mr. william freeland’s.

my poor, weather-beaten bark now reached smoother water, and gentler breezes. my stormy life at covey’s had been of service to me. the things that would have seemed very hard, had i gone direct to mr. freeland’s, from the home of master thomas, were now (after the hardships at covey’s) “trifles light as air.” i was still a field hand, and had come to prefer the severe labor of the field, to the enervating duties of a house servant. i had become large and strong; and had begun to take pride in the fact, that i could do as much hard work as some of the older men. there is much rivalry among slaves, at times, as to which can do the most work, and masters generally seek to promote such rivalry. but some of us were too wise to race with each other very long. such racing, we had the sagacity to see, was not likely to pay. we had our times for measuring each other’s strength, but we knew too much to keep up the competition so long as to produce an extraordinary day’s work. we knew that if, by extraordinary exertion, a large quantity of work was done in one day, the fact, becoming known to the master, might lead him to require the same amount every day. this thought was enough to bring us to a dead halt when over so much excited for the race.

at mr. freeland’s, my condition was every way improved. i was no longer the poor scape-goat that i was when at covey’s, where every wrong thing done was saddled upon me, and where other slaves were whipped over my shoulders. mr. freeland was too just a man thus to impose upon me, or upon any one else.

it is quite usual to make one slave the object of especial abuse, and to beat him often, with a view to its effect upon others, rather than with any expectation that the slave whipped will be improved by it, but the man with whom i now was, could descend to no such meanness and wickedness. every man here was held individually responsible for his own conduct.

this was a vast improvement on the rule at covey’s. there, i[203] was the general pack horse. bill smith was protected, by a positive prohibition made by his rich master, and the command of the rich slaveholder is law to the poor one; hughes was favored, because of his relationship to covey; and the hands hired temporarily, escaped flogging, except as they got it over my poor shoulders. of course, this comparison refers to the time when covey could whip me.

mr. freeland, like mr. covey, gave his hands enough to eat, but, unlike mr. covey, he gave them time to take their meals; he worked us hard during the day, but gave us the night for rest—another advantage to be set to the credit of the sinner, as against that of the saint. we were seldom in the field after dark in the evening, or before sunrise in the morning. our implements of husbandry were of the most improved pattern, and much superior to those used at covey’s.

nothwithstanding the improved condition which was now mine, and the many advantages i had gained by my new home, and my new master, i was still restless and discontented. i was about as hard to please by a master, as a master is by slave. the freedom from bodily torture and unceasing labor, had given my mind an increased sensibility, and imparted to it greater activity. i was not yet exactly in right relations. “how be it, that was not first which is spiritual, but that which is natural, and afterward that which is spiritual.” when entombed at covey’s, shrouded in darkness and physical wretchedness, temporal wellbeing was the grand desideratum; but, temporal wants supplied, the spirit puts in its claims. beat and cuff your slave, keep him hungry and spiritless, and he will follow the chain of his master like a dog; but, feed and clothe him well—work him moderately—surround him with physical comfort—and dreams of freedom intrude. give him a bad master, and he aspires to a good master; give him a good master, and he wishes to become his own master. such is human nature. you may hurl a man so low, beneath the level of his kind, that he loses all just ideas of his natural position;[204] but elevate him a little, and the clear conception of rights arises to life and power, and leads him onward. thus elevated, a little, at freeland’s, the dreams called into being by that good man, father lawson, when in baltimore, began to visit me; and shoots from the tree of liberty began to put forth tender buds, and dim hopes of the future began to dawn.

i found myself in congenial society, at mr. freeland’s. there were henry harris, john harris, handy caldwell, and sandy jenkins. 6

henry and john were brothers, and belonged to mr. freeland. they were both remarkably bright and intelligent, though neither of them could read. now for mischief! i had not been long at freeland’s before i was up to my old tricks. i early began to address my companions on the subject of education, and the advantages of intelligence over ignorance, and, as far as i dared, i tried to show the agency of ignorance in keeping men in slavery. webster’s spelling book and the columbian orator were looked into again. as summer came on, and the long sabbath days stretched themselves over our idleness, i became uneasy, and wanted a sabbath school, in which to exercise my gifts, and to impart the little knowledge of letters which i possessed, to my brother slaves. a house was hardly necessary in the summer time; i could hold my school under the shade of an old oak tree, as well as any where else. the thing was, to get the scholars, and to have them thoroughly imbued with the desire to learn. two such boys were quickly secured, in henry and john, and from them the contagion spread. i was not long bringing around me twenty or thirty young men, who enrolled themselves, gladly, in my sabbath school, and were willing to meet me regularly, under the trees or elsewhere, for the purpose of learning to read. it was[205] surprising with what ease they provided themselves with spelling books. these were mostly the cast off books of their young masters or mistresses. i taught, at first, on our own farm. all were impressed with the necessity of keeping the matter as private as possible, for the fate of the st. michael’s attempt was notorious, and fresh in the minds of all. our pious masters, at st. michael’s, must not know that a few of their dusky brothers were learning to read the word of god, lest they should come down upon us with the lash and chain. we might have met to drink whisky, to wrestle, fight, and to do other unseemly things, with no fear of interruption from the saints or sinners of st. michael’s.

but, to meet for the purpose of improving the mind and heart, by learning to read the sacred scriptures, was esteemed a most dangerous nuisance, to be instantly stopped. the slaveholders of st. michael’s, like slaveholders elsewhere, would always prefer to see the slaves engaged in degrading sports, rather than to see them acting like moral and accountable beings.

had any one asked a religious white man, in st. michael’s, twenty years ago, the names of three men in that town, whose lives were most after the pattern of our lord and master, jesus christ, the first three would have been as follows:

garrison west, class leader.

wright fairbanks, class leader.

thomas auld, class leader.

and yet, these were men who ferociously rushed in upon my sabbath school, at st. michael’s, armed with mob-like missiles, and i must say, i thought him a christian, until he took part in bloody by the lash. this same garrison west was my class leader, and i must say, i thought him a christian, until he took part in breaking up my school. he led me no more after that. the plea for this outrage was then, as it is now and at all times—the danger to good order. if the slaves learnt to read, they would learn something else, and something worse. the peace of slavery would be disturbed; slave rule would be endangered. i leave the reader to[206] characterize a system which is endangered by such causes. i do not dispute the soundness of the reasoning. it is perfectly sound; and, if slavery be right, sabbath schools for teaching slaves to read the bible are wrong, and ought to be put down. these christian class leaders were, to this extent, consistent. they had settled the question, that slavery is right, and, by that standard, they determined that sabbath schools are wrong. to be sure, they were protestant, and held to the great protestant right of every man to “search the scriptures” for himself; but, then, to all general rules, there are exceptions. how convenient! what crimes may not be committed under the doctrine of the last remark. but, my dear, class leading methodist brethren, did not condescend to give me a reason for breaking up the sabbath school at st. michael’s; it was enough that they had determined upon its destruction. i am, however, digressing.

after getting the school cleverly into operation, the second time holding it in the woods, behind the barn, and in the shade of trees—i succeeded in inducing a free colored man, who lived several miles from our house, to permit me to hold my school in a room at his house. he, very kindly, gave me this liberty; but he incurred much peril in doing so, for the assemblage was an unlawful one. i shall not mention, here, the name of this man; for it might, even now, subject him to persecution, although the offenses were committed more than twenty years ago. i had, at one time, more than forty scholars, all of the right sort; and many of them succeeded in learning to read. i have met several slaves from maryland, who were once my scholars; and who obtained their freedom, i doubt not, partly in consequence of the ideas imparted to them in that school. i have had various employments during my short life; but i look back to none with more satisfaction, than to that afforded by my sunday school. an attachment, deep and lasting, sprung up between me and my persecuted pupils, which made parting from them intensely grievous; and,[207] when i think that most of these dear souls are yet shut up in this abject thralldom, i am overwhelmed with grief.

besides my sunday school, i devoted three evenings a week to my fellow slaves, during the winter. let the reader reflect upon the fact, that, in this christian country, men and women are hiding from professors of religion, in barns, in the woods and fields, in order to learn to read the holy bible. those dear souls, who came to my sabbath school, came not because it was popular or reputable to attend such a place, for they came under the liability of having forty stripes laid on their naked backs. every moment they spend in my school, they were under this terrible liability; and, in this respect, i was sharer with them. their minds had been cramped and starved by their cruel masters; the light of education had been completely excluded; and their hard earnings had been taken to educate their master’s children. i felt a delight in circumventing the tyrants, and in blessing the victims of their curses.

the year at mr. freeland’s passed off very smoothly, to outward seeming. not a blow was given me during the whole year. to the credit of mr. freeland—irreligious though he was—it must be stated, that he was the best master i ever had, until i became my own master, and assumed for myself, as i had a right to do, the responsibility of my own existence and the exercise of my own powers. for much of the happiness—or absence of misery—with which i passed this year with mr. freeland, i am indebted to the genial temper and ardent friendship of my brother slaves. they were, every one of them, manly, generous and brave, yes; i say they were brave, and i will add, fine looking. it is seldom the lot of mortals to have truer and better friends than were the slaves on this farm. it is not uncommon to charge slaves with great treachery toward each other, and to believe them incapable of confiding in each other; but i must say, that i never loved, esteemed, or confided in men, more than i did in these. they were as true as steel, and no band of brothers could have been more[208] loving. there were no mean advantages taken of each other, as is sometimes the case where slaves are situated as we were; no tattling; no giving each other bad names to mr. freeland; and no elevating one at the expense of the other. we never undertook to do any thing, of any importance, which was likely to affect each other, without mutual consultation. we were generally a unit, and moved together. thoughts and sentiments were exchanged between us, which might well be called very incendiary, by oppressors and tyrants; and perhaps the time has not even now come, when it is safe to unfold all the flying suggestions which arise in the minds of intelligent slaves. several of my friends and brothers, if yet alive, are still in some part of the house of bondage; and though twenty years have passed away, the suspicious malice of slavery might punish them for even listening to my thoughts.

the slaveholder, kind or cruel, is a slaveholder still—the every hour violator of the just and inalienable rights of man; and he is, therefore, every hour silently whetting the knife of vengeance for his own throat. he never lisps a syllable in commendation of the fathers of this republic, nor denounces any attempted oppression of himself, without inviting the knife to his own throat, and asserting the rights of rebellion for his own slaves.

the year is ended, and we are now in the midst of the christmas holidays, which are kept this year as last, according to the general description previously given.