zama, battle of.—between the two greatest generals of the age, hannibal and scipio africanus. the romans lost 2000 in killed and wounded, whilst the carthaginians lost, in killed and prisoners, more than 40,000. fought b.c. 202.
“these two generals, who were not only the most illustrious of their own age, but worthy of being ranked with the most renowned princes and warriors that had ever lived, meeting at the place appointed, continued for some time in a deep silence, as though they were astonished, and struck with a mutual admiration at the sight of each other. at last hannibal spoke; and, after having praised scipio in the most artful and delicate manner, he gave a very lively description of the ravages of the war, and the calamities in which it had involved both the victors and the vanquished. he conjured him not to suffer himself to be dazzled by the[428] splendor of his victories. he represented to him, that how successful soever he might have hitherto been, he ought, however, to tremble at the inconstancy of fortune: that without going far back for examples, he himself who was then speaking to him, was a glaring proof of this: that scipio was at that time what himself, hannibal, had been at thrasymene and cann?: that he ought to make a better use of opportunity than himself had done, and consent to peace, now it was in his power to propose the conditions of it. he concluded with declaring, that the carthaginians would willingly resign sicily, sardinia, spain, and all the islands between africa and italy to the romans. that they must be forced, since such was the will of the gods, to confine themselves to africa; whilst they should see the romans extending their conquests to the most remote regions, and obliging all nations to pay obedience to their laws.
scipio answered in few words, but not with less dignity. he reproached the carthaginians for their perfidy, in plundering the roman galleys before the truce was expired. he imputed to them only, and to their injustice, all the calamities with which the two wars had been attended. after thanking hannibal for the admonition he gave him, with regard to the uncertainty of human events, he concluded with desiring him to prepare for battle, unless he chose rather to accept of the conditions that had been already proposed; to which he observed some others would be added, in order to punish the carthaginians for their having violated the truce.
hannibal could not prevail with himself to accept these conditions and the generals left one another, with the resolution to decide the fate of carthage by a general battle. each commander exhorted his troops to fight valiantly. hannibal enumerated the victories he had gained over the romans, the generals he had slain, the armies he had cut to pieces. scipio represented to his soldiers, the conquests of both the spains, his successes in africa, and the tacit confession their enemies themselves made of their weakness, by thus coming to sue for peace. all this he spoke with the tone and air of a conqueror. never were motives more prevalent to prompt troops to behave gallantly. this day was to complete the glory of the one or the other of the generals; and to decide whether rome or carthage was to prescribe laws to all other nations.
i shall not undertake to describe the order of the battle, nor the valour of the forces on both sides. the reader will naturally suppose, that two such experienced generals did not forget any circumstance which could contribute to the victory. the carthaginians, after a very obstinate fight, were obliged to fly, leaving 20,000 men on the field of battle, and the like[429] number of prisoners were taken by the romans. hannibal escaped in the tumult, and, entering carthage, owned that he was irrecoverably overthrown, and that the citizens had no other choice left, but to accept of peace on any conditions. scipio bestowed great eulogiums on hannibal, chiefly with regard to his capacity in taking advantages, his manner of drawing up his army, and giving out his orders in the engagement; and he affirmed that hannibal had this day surpassed himself, although the success had not answered his valour and conduct.
with regard to himself, he well knew how to make a proper advantage of the victory, and the consternation with which he had filled the enemy. he commanded one of his lieutenants to march his land army to carthage, whilst himself prepared to sail the fleet thither.
he was not far from the city, when he met a vessel covered with streamers and olive branches, bringing ten of the most considerable persons of the state, as ambassadors to implore his clemency. however, he dismissed them without making any answer, and bid them come to him at tunis, where he should halt. the deputies of carthage, being 30 in number, came to him at the place appointed, and sued for peace in the most submissive terms. he then called a council there, the majority of which were for razing carthage, and treating the inhabitants with the utmost severity. but the consideration of the time which must necessarily be employed before so strongly fortified a city could be taken, and scipio’s fear lest a successor might be appointed him whilst he should be employed in the siege, made him incline to clemency.”
zaragoza, second siege of.—“the sufferings of the gallant zaragozans, during the former siege, had not subdued the spirit of heroic devotion by which they had been animated. another trial awaited them, not less memorable and glorious, though less fortunate in its result.
after the defeat of tudela, palafox retired to zaragoza, to make preparations for a second siege. he was not present in the action. the intelligence of its issue came upon him like a thunderbolt; and the refusal of castanos to throw his troops into zaragoza, instead of retreating on madrid, put an end to those feelings of confidence and frankness which had hitherto existed between the generals.
the multiplied disasters of the spanish armies, however, so far from shaking the resolution of palafox or the zaragozans, appear only to have stimulated them to redoubled exertions in the service of their country.[430] proclamations were issued, commanding all women, old men, and children, to quit the city. every inhabitant was imperatively called upon to make sacrifice, if necessary, of his life and property, in the common cause; and the whole population were required, by their personal exertions, to contribute to the completion of the fortifications of the city.
the approach of the enemy cut short the preparations for defence. neither women nor children left the place. even these refused to seek safety at a distance from their fathers and husbands, and preferred participating in the danger and the glory which awaited them in zaragoza, to wandering unprotected through a troubled and a suffering country.
during the former siege, the defenders had been embarrassed by the presence of french residents in the city. these had been strictly guarded, with the double object of preventing any intercourse between them and the besiegers, and of protecting them against the fatal effects of popular suspicion, to which, without such precaution, it is more than probable they would have fallen victims. in order to prevent the repetition of such danger and inconvenience, palafox determined that these unfortunate persons should be removed from the city to other places of confinement. this was done, notwithstanding the hostility of the populace, though not until palafox had issued a proclamation appealing to spanish honour and humanity, and imploring the gallant zaragozans not to stain the sacred cause of liberty and justice by the foul murder of these defenceless victims.
the aid of superstition was not wanting to strengthen the confidence of the zaragozans. they relied on the miraculous protection of our lady of the pillar, who had made their favoured city the seat of her peculiar worship. the successful termination of the former siege had given strength to their belief in the beneficent regards of the patron saint. omens, too, had been observed in the sky. approaching victory had been prefigured by unwonted conformations of the clouds; and celestial voices were heard in the elements, offering divine promise of glory and protection.
fortunately, the zaragozans were not induced, by their belief in these flattering portents, to disregard any of the human means of safety in their power. a continued line of exterior defensive works had been planned and executed, as far as time and circumstances permitted. yet this, imperfect as it was, added little to the real strength of the city; and, in forming a just estimate of the zeal and courage of the defenders, zaragoza should almost be considered as an unfortified town. the walls,[431] originally built rather for the purpose of civic impost than defence, were surmounted by 150 pieces of cannon. large stores of provisions had been formed. arms and ammunition were in abundance; and the town contained upwards of 20,000 regular troops, besides 15,000 armed peasants.
all the houses within 700 toises of the place were demolished, and the materials employed to strengthen the fortifications. the trees around the city were cut down. the greatest activity reigned on all hands; the women were employed in making clothes for the soldiers; the monks made cartridges: and all those not employed in labouring at the works, practised the use of arms.
measures were likewise taken for the defence of the city, in case the enemy, which was scarcely to be doubted, should effect an entrance. traverses were cut across the streets. the doors and windows on the ground-floor were strongly barricaded. communications were made between the houses; and parapets were constructed on the roofs. every householder had in his dwelling an ample store of provisions, to enable him to continue his resistance when the enemy should gain possession of the streets. thus prepared, the zaragozans awaited the approach of the besiegers.
in the meanwhile, the corps of marshal moncey, which had been ordered to blockade the city, remained at alagon, collecting materials, and awaiting the arrival of his heavy artillery from pamplona. on the 19th of december it was joined by the corps of mortier, and on the 20th the united army appeared before zaragoza. it consisted of about 35,000 infantry, and was accompanied by a battering train of sixty pieces. a corps of cavalry was stationed at fuentes, to keep the surrounding country in a state of subjection.
the city was approached on both sides of the ebro. gazan’s division, having passed the river at tauste, marched, by the road of castejon, to cuera and villa nuevo. that of suchet took post on the right of the ebro, near a convent, about a league distant from zaragoza, after driving in the spanish outposts.
during the night, the enemy erected a battery, which commanded the torrero, and, in the morning, opened fire on the fort. unfortunately, a quantity of ammunition was blown up, by the bursting of a shell, which occasioned considerable disorder in the garrison. the french took advantage of this. a column crossed the canal by an aqueduct, of which on the evening before, they had become masters, and entering the fort by the gorge, succeeded in maintaining the place against the efforts of the[432] garrison. at the same time, a brigade of morlot’s division advanced up the ravine of the huerba, and, passing the canal under the aqueduct on which it crosses that river, gained possession of a work commanding the sluices of the canal. two guns were taken in this work. three guns and 100 prisoners in the fort. general st. mark succeeded in withdrawing the rest of the garrison.
on the 22nd, general gazan advanced against the suburb, on the left of the river. he was encountered by about 4000 of the garrison, posted in the woods and gardens, from which, after a warm contest, he succeeded in dislodging them. gazan then attempted to carry the suburb by a coup-de-main. in this he failed. repulsed in all his efforts, after a long and fruitless contention, he at length withdrew, pursued by the garrison, and with the loss of near 1000 men. the chief loss of the besieged consisted of a corps of swiss, almost all of whom were killed or taken prisoners in a large building considerably in advance of the suburb.
for several days all was quiet. the enemy were now aware that it was necessary to make a regular investment of the place; and the works in all quarters, were pushed on with vigour. the besieged on their part endeavoured, by incessant labour, to complete the works of defence; batteries were constructed, to enfilade the principal approaches—the magazines were rendered bomb-proof—every outlet was palisaded and traversed; and, thus prepared, they waited with calm fortitude for the approaching struggle.
on the 30th, marshal moncey addressed a letter to palafox, summoning him to surrender the city, now entirely invested, and to spare the effusion of blood which must necessarily follow any further attempt at hopeless resistance. moncey likewise informed him that madrid had fallen; and that napoleon, at the head of a great army, was then in the act of chasing the english to their ships.
to this palafox replied, that if madrid had fallen, madrid had been sold. the works of zaragoza were yet entire; but, were they levelled with the ground, the people and the garrison would rather be buried in the ruins of their city, than disgraced by surrender.
in the meanwhile, general gazan succeeded in effecting the blockade of the suburb.
on the 29th, the trenches were regularly opened against the chateau of the inquisition on the left, the bridge of the huerba in the centre, and the convent of st. joseph on the right. the last of these was the principal object of the enemy, because the works in rear were destitute[433] of a rampart, and it was intended to connect the attack with a simultaneous attempt to gain possession of the suburb.
the garrison, however, were not idle. the communication between the convent and the city could not be interrupted; and the garrison of the former, being daily relieved, made frequent sallies, by which the progress of the besiegers was materially retarded. on the 31st, a general sortie, supported by the whole guns of the place, was made against the enemy’s line. though gallantly supported, it was unattended by any successful result. the repeated attacks of the garrison were repulsed; and, baffled in their efforts, they again entered the city. the loss on both sides was nearly equal.
on the 2nd of january, moncey was superseded by marshal junot in the command of the besieging army. the latter was the bearer of an order to mortier, to move on calatayud with suchet’s division, in order to keep open the communication with madrid. this arrangement occasioned a material diminution of the besieging force, but no cessation of hostile operations. the works against the convent of st. joseph still went on, and between the 3rd and 6th of january the second parallel was completed. till the 10th no action took place; but on that day a tremendous fire from thirty guns was opened on the convent. it was soon rendered untenable. but, amid the ruins, the gunners covered by bags of wool, still continued to exercise their vocation, and fired on the enemy, till the walls were levelled with the ground. even then the post was not relinquished without a gallant effort. at midnight a sortie was made against one of the batteries, in ignorance that two guns had been planted for its protection. the intention of the brave assailants was thus defeated; and, having suffered heavy loss from a murderous fire, both in front and flank, they again retreated to the city.
even in the dilapidated condition of the convent, it was not till the evening of the next day that the enemy attempted to carry it by assault. at the same time a party, having turned the convent, succeeded, by means of a wooden bridge which the besieged had omitted to destroy, in effecting an entrance; and thus did the french at length become masters of a heap of ruins, and of about 100 gallant men by whom they were defended.
no sooner were the enemy in possession of st. joseph, than they employed themselves in repairing the works, and completing the communication between the second and third parallels, the latter of which they established on the right and left of the convent. the garrison on that[434] side were now compelled to remain within their walls; for the besiegers were secured against their efforts by the double obstacle of a river and an escarpment eight feet high.
on the 15th a second parallel was opened against the town; and batteries were commenced in it, to enfilade the defences of the augustine and capuchin convents, and that of sta. engracia. yet neither the loss of their outworks, nor a tremendous bombardment, which the french kept up for several days, had the effect of diminishing the ardour of the inhabitants. the zaragozans were not only actuated by that active and living energy which stimulates to deeds of high enterprize, but they possessed, likewise, that calm and passive fortitude, that buoyant upbearing of the spirit, which suffering cannot depress, nor misfortune overthrow.
but their cup was not yet full. the inhabitants of the part of the city most injured by the bombardment, were driven into the other quarters, where many of them took up their abode in cellars, which afforded comparative security from the shells. the consequence was, that these dark and miserable receptacles became the focus of infectious fever. the disease spread rapidly among a crowded and redundant population. thus did death, on all hands, present itself to the unshrinking zaragozans; and the greater part preferred exposing themselves on the ramparts, to breathing the infected air which pervaded the dark and noisome retreats in which they had sought refuge from the shells.
from the 17th to the 21st, the besiegers were occupied in the construction of new batteries to overcome the defences of the garrison; and the third parallel was extended to command two sides of the convent of sta. engracia. in these circumstances, a sortie was made, in the hope of spiking the enemy’s artillery. the fire of a battery of four mortars was found peculiarly annoying: and eighty men, commanded by don mariano galindo, volunteered to attack it. they boldly precipitated themselves on the guard of the third parallel, put them to the sword, and succeeded in entering the battery. at the same moment the enemy’s reserve came up. there was no retreat; all perished except the officers and a few wounded soldiers, who were made prisoners.
the movements of the numerous bodies of armed peasantry, in the surrounding country, occasioned great inconvenience to the besiegers. bands were formed on all hands; which, though unable to resist the attack of disciplined troops, yet were sufficiently formidable to require perpetual vigilance, and numerous enough to narrow the supplies of the besieging army, in a very considerable degree.
[435]
about this time, napoleon, dissatisfied with the slow progress of the siege, sent marshal lannes to assume the command. this officer directed mortier, with his division, to leave calatayud, and to act on the left of the ebro. mortier attacked the force of francisco palafox, and succeeded in dispersing it with very considerable loss. lannes, in order to depress the hopes of the garrison of external assistance, addressed a letter to palafox, communicating this circumstance, and all the other disasters which had befallen the spanish armies. but the mortifying intelligence thus conveyed, did not shake the firmness of the undaunted leader. he rejected all compromise, and continued, with undiminished vigour, to oppose every possible obstacle to the progress of the enemy.
all the outworks of the place had now fallen, except the castle of the inquisition, which had been subjected to no serious attack. the newly-raised works of the enceinte had been battered by fifty-five guns, and, on the 27th january, three breaches were declared practicable. one was near an oil-mill, which stood without the walls of the place, though but little removed from them. the second was to the left of this, between the convent of st. joseph and the town. the third was in the convent of sta. engracia. all these were attacked. at mid-day, a column issued from the oil-mill, which had been occupied over-night, and, rapidly clearing the short distance which divided it from the walls, entered the breach, unbroken by the heavy fire to which they were exposed, and the explosion of two fougasses. having reached the summit, the assailants found an interior retrenchment armed with two guns, which the garrison had unexpectedly erected to obstruct their progress. they attempted, without success, to surmount this obstacle, under a shower of grape, musketry and grenades. forced to retire, the besiegers took advantage of the cover afforded by the exploded fougasses to effect a lodgment on the breach.
the breach in face of st. joseph presented fewer obstacles to be overcome. the column of attack having reached the summit, succeeded in occupying the opposite house, which the artillery, in firing on the wall, had laid open. the houses adjoining were then gained; and on the right of the breach they found a gate which afforded another entrance into the town. here, however, their progress was arrested by a battery of the enemy, commanding a court which it was necessary to pass. on the left, a double caponnier, which the garrison had used to communicate with st. joseph’s, was repaired and lengthened to the breach.
the attack on sta. engracia was yet more successful. after a severe[436] struggle, the assailants gained the breach of the convent, but in attempting to advance further, they met a spirited repulse. another effort was made, which terminated in their gaining possession of the building. the curtain leading from sta. engracia to the bridge of the huerba was then enfiladed, and, taking the tête-de-pont in reverse, the enemy at once became masters of that important post. here they were joined by fresh troops, and, pushing on within the curtain of the convent of mount carmel, made an effort to gain possession of it, which met with a repulse.
from thence they advanced rapidly to the capuchin convent, putting forty artillerymen, who constituted the whole of its garrison, to the sword, the assailants then established themselves along the rampart, in order to guard the posts they had been successful in acquiring.
a dreadful fire was soon opened on the besiegers from the houses commanding the rampart. from this they in vain sought shelter among the ruins of the half-demolished walls. retreat became necessary, and the column was directed to retire on the puerta del carmen. the garrison, by a bold attack, regained possession of the capuchin convent; but two battalions coming up to reinforce the assailants, it was again taken, and maintained, though at a dear price, by the enemy.
during the night, a strong but unsuccessful effort was made by the besieged to regain possession of the convents of sta. engracia and the capuchins. the result of these operations were the loss to the besieged of fifteen guns and 200 prisoners, and that the enemy gained footing in the city at two different points. the loss in killed and wounded, by the french accounts, was nearly equal on both sides. it amounted to about 600.
the misfortunes of the zaragozans were hourly accumulating. the fever demon stalked through the city like a destroying angel, conquering and to conquer. the number of dead per day amounted to 350, without including those who fell the more immediate victims of war. the hospitals were too small to contain the host of patients, and the medicines were exhausted. the burying grounds were choked with corpses; and large pits were dug in the streets, into which the dead were tossed indiscriminately. heaps of bloated and putrescent bodies were piled before the churches, which were often struck by the shells; and the maimed and ghastly carcasses lay dispersed along the streets, a frightful spectacle of horror. even under such evils the courage of the zaragozans did not quail.
the city was now open to the invaders, and the war, as formerly, was[437] carried on in the streets and houses. not one inch of ground was yielded by the besieged without a struggle; and when finally driven from a building, they frequently, by a desperate offensive effort, recovered it; and an equal resistance had again to be encountered by the assailants. traverses were cut around the portions of the city occupied by the enemy; and at the sound of the tocsin, the garrison were ever ready to rush to any quarter where hostilities had commenced.
palafox, however, did not limit his efforts to obstructing the progress of the enemy; he made vigorous efforts to recover the ground already lost, and drive the assailants from their stations. two attempts were made to regain the convent of the capuchins. both failed. a third more powerful effort was made on the 31st. a breach was effected during the day, and at night the assault took place. the besieged advanced with signal resolution towards the breach, but owing to a ditch sunk by the enemy, it was found impossible to mount it. they then threw themselves on the floor of the church, and endeavoured to force it. in spite of the fire from the windows, and the grenades showered from the steeple, they maintained their ground, and forced the door; but an epaulement within obstructed their progress; and fresh troops being brought up by the enemy, the project was at length renounced.
priests and women bore part in these operations. the former carried munitions, and gave ghostly succour to the dying, animating the soldiers at once by their words and their example. the latter bore refreshments to their sons, or husbands, or fathers; and sometimes, when one of those dear relatives fell by their side, they seized his arms, determined to revenge his death or perish in the same glorious cause. in truth, the contest lay between skill and enthusiasm—mingled, indeed, with superstition, yet active, firm, vigorous, and unshrinking; skill exerted in a struggle as unjust and degrading, as any by which the pages of history are contaminated and defaced.
notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the garrison, the french gained ground. the 1st of february was marked by the capture of the convents of st. augustin and st. monica. having been repelled in assaulting the breaches, the assailants sprung a mine, and by that means effected an entrance, and took in reverse the works erected for their defence. a deadly struggle took place in the church. every chapel, every column, every altar, became a point of defence—the pavement was strewed with blood, and the aisles and nave of the church were covered with the dead. during this terrific conflict, the roof, shattered by bombs, fell in. those[438] who escaped, renewed the contest on the bodies of the dead and dying. the french were at last successful, and advancing on the rua quemada, gained possession of several houses. from these, however, they were eventually compelled to retreat, with a loss of above 100 men.
at the same time, an attack was made on the houses near sta. engracia. two mines, one on the left, the other on the right, of the convent, were sprung by the besiegers; after which two columns of polish infantry succeeded in gaining possession of the ruins caused by the explosion. the loss of the besiegers was very considerable, and general lacoste, commandant of engineers, was killed. he was an officer of great professional eminence, and untarnished character.
during four days, the besiegers were employed in constructing three galleries to cross the rua quemada. two of these failed. by means of the third they succeeded in establishing themselves in the ruins of a house which formed an angle of the cozo, and of the rua del medio. a building, called the escuelas pias, commanded several traverses, made for the defence of the cozo. aware of the importance of this post, the assailants made several unsuccessful efforts to gain possession of it. they then attempted the adjoining houses; but in this also they failed. the system of blowing up the houses, now adopted, was favourable to the besieged; for the enemy, who established themselves on the ruins, were thus exposed to the fire of the surrounding buildings. in the meanwhile the continual succession of formidable and unforeseen obstacles, which presented themselves to the french soldiers, had damped their ardour; while the spirits of the besieged, who had to contend against famine, fever, and the french army, were yet unbroken.
the inner town is encircled by the cozo, which reaches at both extremities to the river; and the french, in order to connect their operations with those of gazan, on the left of the ebro, determined, at all risks, to gain possession of it. the convent of st. francisco, therefore, became their immediate object. a mine was exploded, which brought down part of the building; and a severe contest ensued, which lasted for two days. the spaniards were at length driven out by the bayonet—the superiority of physical, as well as of numerical strength, being on the side of the assailants.
from the tower of this building, the french now commanded the street, for a musket-shot on either side. there, however, their progress was for a time arrested. the buildings in the cozo were large and massive; and from their construction with roofs of arched masonry, nearly[439] incombustible. experience had perfected the zaragozans in their defensive warfare; and the contest was continued with, if possible, augmented pertinacity. three days were the french sappers successfully opposed in their endeavours to cross the cozo. the university was partially breached by the explosion of two small mines. the besiegers then endeavoured to carry the building by assault; but they were met by a fire so destructive as to compel them to retreat.
hitherto the suburb on the left of the ebro had been exempted from attack, since gazan’s failure on the first night of the investment. that officer, availing himself of some ambiguity in his orders, had declined to re-engage in active operations; nor was it till lannes arrived, with authority to enforce his orders, that gazan was induced to resume the offensive.
on the 7th, the convent of jesus, on the left of the road to lerida, was attacked. trenches were opened against it; and twenty battering pieces having effected a breach, it was carried with little loss, the building not being considered by the besieged as of material importance. the enemy then succeeded in establishing a lodgment to the right and left.
on the 18th, the suburb, after two unsuccessful efforts, was carried by assault. a tremendous fire from fifty guns soon laid open the way to the assailing columns. by mid-day a breach was effected in the convent of st. lazarus, commanding the bridge; and the defenders, after a strenuous resistance, were driven from the building. all communication between the suburb and the city was now cut off; and the french advancing to the river, intercepted the retreat of about 1500 men, who, enfeebled by disease and suffering, were made prisoners. the capture of st. lazarus necessarily involved that of the suburb, which was without ammunition or provisions, yet many of its defenders continued to wage a fierce but hopeless war in the streets. the loss of the besieged amounted to about 2000. the brave baron de versage, who commanded on the ebro, was killed.
the besiegers, imagining that the courage of the garrison had been abated by this irreparable misfortune, continued their operations with vigour. by means of mining, two enormous breaches were made in the university—both of which were attacked and carried; and the traverses of the cozo were at length abandoned by the spaniards. in the mean time, palafox had been smitten with the dreadful disease, whose ravages had been more widely spread than even those of famine and the sword. this admirable and heroic leader, who, for above a month, had been[440] unable to quit the vault where he lay stretched on a bed of suffering, at length saw the necessity of resigning the command.
on the 19th he transferred his authority to a junta, of which don pedro ric was appointed president. a council was immediately assembled, to deliberate on the condition of the city, and the measures most proper to be adopted. at this meeting it was stated, by the general of cavalry, that only 62 horses remained, the rest having died of hunger. of the infantry it appeared there were little more than 2800 men fit for service. ammunition was nearly exhausted; and should a shell penetrate the inquisition, their only manufactory of powder would be destroyed. the fortifications were stated, by the chief engineer, to have been almost utterly demolished. there were neither men nor materials necessary for repairing them; and bags of earth could no longer be formed from want of cloth.
with regard to the measures to be adopted, the junta were divided in opinion. twenty-six voted for capitulation; eight against it. the latter were averse to surrender, while even a possibility of succour remained. with proud gallantry of spirit, the opinion of the minority was adopted by the junta. a flag of truce was sent to the enemy, proposing a suspension of hostilities, with the view of ascertaining the situation of the spanish armies; it being understood, that should no immediate succour be at hand, the junta would then treat for a surrender. this proposal was peremptorily declined by marshal lannes; and the bombardment recommenced.
on the 20th, the garrison made a last and unsuccessful effort to recover two guns which the enemy had captured on the preceding day. affairs were now desperate. the fifty guns which had been employed in the attack of the suburb, now opened fire on the city; and the streets of the quay were laid in ruins.
thus situated the junta ordered measures to be taken to ascertain the sentiments of the people with regard to the situation of their city. two-thirds of it were in ruins. fire, famine, and slaughter, had done their work; and from 300 to 400 persons were daily dying of the pestilence. under such circumstances, the junta declared that they had fulfilled their oath of fidelity—and that zaragoza was destroyed. a flag of truce was dispatched to the french head-quarters, followed by a deputation of the junta, to arrange the terms of capitulation. marshal lannes was at first disposed to insist on unconditional surrender. the proposal was indignantly rejected by the deputies; and ric declared, that rather than submit to it the zaragozans would die beneath the ruins of their[441] city. “i, and my companions,” said this noble patriot, “will return there, and defend what remains to us as best we may. we have yet arms and ammunition, and if these fail we have daggers. should the zaragozans be driven to despair, it yet remains to be proved who are to be victorious.”
in this temper of the garrison, lannes did not think it prudent to refuse granting terms. it was accordingly conceded that the troops should march out with the honours of war: that the heroic palafox should be suffered to retire to any place where he might think proper to fix his residence, and that all persons, not included in the garrison, should be suffered to quit the city, to avoid the contagion.
on the 21st of february, 1809, the city was delivered up to the french; and thus terminated one of the most strenuous and extraordinary struggles of which history bears record. the resistance continued for 52 days with open trenches; 29 of these were consumed by the enemy in effecting an entrance—23 in the war subsequently carried on in the streets and houses. by their own account, the french threw above 17,000 bombs into the city, and expended above 160,000 pounds weight of powder. more than 30,000 men and 500 officers perished in the defence, exclusive of a vast number of women and children. the amount of loss sustained by the besiegers was studiously concealed—that it was very great, cannot be doubted; and the contemplated operations on lerida and valencia, for which the army was destined, were in consequence given up.
when the garrison quitted the city, only 2400 men were capable of bearing arms; the rest were in the hospitals.
among the prisoners, was augustina zaragoza, who had distinguished herself in the former siege. at the commencement, she had resumed her station at the portillo gate. when palafox visited the battery, she pointed to the gun she had formerly served with so much effect, and exclaimed, “see, general, i am again with my old friend.” once, when her wounded husband lay bleeding at her feet, she discharged the cannon at the enemy, in order to avenge his fall. she frequently led the assaulting parties, and with sword in hand mingled in the daily conflicts which took place in the streets. though exposed, during the whole siege to the most imminent danger, augustina escaped without a wound. on the surrender of the city, she was too well known to escape notice, and was made prisoner. but she had already caught the contagion; and being taken to the hospital, she subsequently succeeded in effecting her escape.
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the terms of capitulation were shamefully violated by lannes. palafox was sent a prisoner into france; and the city became a scene of pillage and atrocity. nothing was to be heard but the drunken shouts and cries of the french soldiery. even the convents were not spared; their gates were beaten in, the costly plate seized, and the decorations torn down; while the monk, with uplifted hand and scowling brow, listened to the drunken revelry and obscene jests of the heavy mailed cuirassier.”
zealand, new.—discovered by tasman in 1642. captain cook planted several spots here in 1773. great britain’s right to this island recognized at the general peace of 1814. since then it has continued slowly developing its inland resources. a rather disastrous war was waged against the british forces by the new zealanders not long ago; but after some months of continual annoyance the aborigines were subdued and the island quieted, with every prospect of commercial development.
zela, battle of.—in which julius c?sar defeated pharnaces, king of pontus, and sent the senate the well-known laconic letter of three words: “veni, vidi, vici.” fought b.c. 47.
zelichon, battle of.—fought, april 6th, 1831, between the poles and russians. the russians were terribly defeated, with the loss of 12,000 men, killed, wounded and prisoners, and deibitsch, the russian general, narrowly escaped being taken prisoner in the rout.
zeuta, battle of.—fought, between the germans and turks, the former commanded by prince eugene; and it is memorable for the tremendous slaughter of the enemy, a.d. 1697.
zorndorff, battle of.—fought between the prussian and russian armies: the prussian commanded by their king. they gained a great victory over the forces of the czarina of russia—21,529 men being lost to the russians, while the prussians lost 11,000. fought, august 25th and 26th, 1758.
zouave or zou-zou.—“the gamins of paris, we believe, first applied to the world-renowned zouaves the pet name of zou-zous; and france has confirmed the pleasant diminutive. we know well enough that zou-zou has certain faults; but we also know that he possesses[443] some estimable qualities. on the whole, we gaze at his scarred bronzed face and long shaggy beard with respect, and do not shrink from cordially clasping his horny brown hand, powder-begrimed though it be. we read all about his valorous doings, and his somewhat ludicrous and not unpardonable misdoings, during the late italian campaign, as chronicled daily by his own countrymen, and we shall now compile some interesting examples of his exploits and racy peculiarities, which have fallen under our notice.
when the zou-zous embarked at marseilles, they leapt on board the vessels as though charging a column of croats, crying to their comrades, “come, gentlemen, take your tickets for austria!” arrived at genoa, they received their fair share of flowers and kisses from the enraptured signoras, and embracements and orations from their lords and fathers.
m. achard visited the camp of the famous 3rd zouaves, and gives us a graphic sketch of the fire-eaters reposing. we must premise that they had only arrived four or five days from algeria. “it was,” says he, “like a little corner of a great war picture. the canvas town possessed regularity, animated order, picturesque and lively movement, and one felt the presence of discipline, and a pleasing sense of gaiety and fearlessness. behold the little, narrow, short tents reserved for the sub-officers; their neighbours large, and similar to a squab coffee-pot, for the captains and commandants; others ample and conical, each for five soldiers, ranged in ranks; groups of zouaves round a candle, in a low tone chatting about their african campaigns; some silently smoking a pipe apart; two or three lying on the ground in corners, reading letters and dreaming, their comrades singing the chorus of songs; the evening dies away and sleep succeeds. here and there, under the canvas, a little lamp gives light to an officer, who writes in haste a last letter. little noise, great order; each battalion has its place. as the darkness increases, we see red sparks in the air along the tents. the cigar enlivens the promenade, then the sparks disappear one by one; the bivouac fires are extinguished; the mules of the regiment bite at each other, and endeavour to break their straps; close by, the arab horses of the officers, digging the earth with their hoofs, snuffing the air, devoid of the warm odour of the desert, and shaking their manes. * * * the next day, at seven o’clock in the morning, the regiment, containing three battalions on a war strength—2700 men, exclusive of officers—was reviewed by prince napoleon. they looked models of hardy active soldiers. their faces, which appeared cut out of florentine bronze, had the manly ardour and the confidence resulting[444] from habitual acquaintance with danger. they were in marching order. at eight o’clock they started, clarions at their head and tarbouch in front for their first étape de guerre, twenty-seven kilometres, and in the evening they encamped in the mountain, at toreglia, very near the austrians!”
we may remark that one great reason for the very singular celerity with which the zouaves encamp, provide their food, etc., is the fact, that each company, or portion of a company, or “tribe,” as it is called by the men themselves, is subdivided for what we may term domestic duties, each individual being charged with a distinct and special function; and constant practice naturally renders them amazingly expert at doing whatever they are called upon to daily and nightly perform.
the zou-zous, and their african friends the turcos, are said to have an invincible preference for fighting at close quarters with the bayonet. a certain quantity of cartouches were served out at the moment of departure, but these cartridges were not forthcoming at genoa. the officers were angry, and required the production of the missing ammunition. “be not troubled,” said the zou-zous; “leave us alone, and we will return you ten for one at the first battle.” a stubborn old sergeant added, “we wish to see if the austrians are like the kabyles.” in fact, their point of honour is to charge with the bayonet, and to charge at a swift run. their activity is incredible; and they have been aptly called “foot cavalry,” which is hardly a paradoxical jest like our own time-honoured sneer of “horse marines.”
the zou-zous have a marvellous capacity for physical endurance. some black coffee, and a biscuit or piece of hard ammunition bread steeped in it, generally formed their breakfast, and then they were able and willing to march with their very heavy knapsacks a whole day in the broiling sun before dining. a zouave’s knapsack is full of a wonderful variety of articles, and, when in marching order, he actually carries the enormous weight of sixty pounds! but zou-zou is not an anchorite; he does not voluntarily endure hunger when he can lawfully, or (as some whisper) even unlawfully, obtain an appetizing addition to his rations. at palestro, the zouaves drolly distinguished themselves, by marching with a pleasing variety of edible prizes secured about their persons. they bore quarters of lamb, immense pieces of raw meat, salad, cabbage, and all kinds of vegetables; upon the shoulder of one was perched an old cock, tied by the foot by way of precaution! all the world knows how omnivorous zouaves are; and, by way of illustration, we will only mention[445] the astounding fact, that at solferino they daintily feasted on fillets cut from the backs of the horses killed in that tremendous battle!
the austrians sent some daring spies into the zouave camp, fully and carefully dressed as zou-zous, speaking french, and affecting in all respects the habits and language of the men among whom they treacherously stole. but, as an old soldier observed, “the asses who wear lions’ skins are recognized, not by the dress, but by the language.” so it was with these austrian spies. the touch-stone which infallibly detected them was the arab, or rather the sabir tongue. the sabir is a dialect used by the zouaves and the turcos, and is a singular mixture of french, italian, maltese, spanish and arabian. let us see what the sabir can do with the wicked hawk who has stolen into the zouave dovecot, disguised in innocent plumage like their own.
“a spy, dressed as a zouave, holding his cap behind him, accosts other zouaves, (true ones these). they talk of war, ambuscades, battles; they drink and sing. an old zouave addresses the spy: ‘didou, camarade, gib el touchran; j’ai laisse mon sipsi dans la gitoun.’ this, in sabir, signifies, ‘comrade, hand me some tobacco; i have forgotten my pipe in the tent.’ the spy, surprised, does not reply. ‘enta machache narl el arabi?’ (dost thou not understand arabian?) continues the zouave. the same silence. suspicions are aroused: the pretended zouave is closely questioned. he is confused; he confounds blidah with orléansville: finally he is seized, and duly shot.”
no body of men attracted more notice, on first landing in italy, than the 3rd zouaves. nearly all the officers had risen from the ranks, or, at any rate, all had been sub-officers, and had won their epaulettes and crosses in africa. the men could reckon a number of years’ service, both in africa and the crimea. their flag was in tatters, and tied together with shoemaker’s thread.
at palestro, these 3rd zouaves performed a brilliant feat of arms. a wounded zou-zou subsequently described it most graphically. “we were,” said he, “very tranquilly opposite a rivulet; we beheld five or six horsemen upon an eminence; it was said that they must be enemy’s hussars, watching us, and the word passed to prepare to have a chat with them. but all in a moment, and without a note of warning, a parcel of bullets, accompanied by a hail of cannon balls, saluted us. the rogues had mounted cannon on the hills, and their tirailleurs skulked in the corn, where one could not see them. whilst we looked out, the mitraille[45][446] mingled in the conversation. the colonel saw whence it came by the smoke. the officers turned towards us. ‘eh zouaves!’ cried they, ‘to the cannon!’ we leapt in the stream. there was water up to our elbows, and so our cartridge boxes took a bath; we were no longer able to fire a single charge. from the stream to the batteries we had to run about 300 metres. ah, we already surpass the pas gymnastique!
the mitraille mowed the grass around our feet. in the twinkling of an eye we carried the guns!”
among the wounded austrians taken prisoners, was a young man of twenty-two, who had previously studied at paris five or six years. he fought at palestro, and when he saw the zouaves running and leaping with bayonets in advance, he cried, “comrades! they are zouaves! we are lost!”
an austrian officer related that general jellachich, struck with astonishment at sight of the zouaves in action, exclaimed, “they are not men, they are tigers!” and then he muttered, “they told me so, but i did not believe it.” a good many others of his countrymen had reason to think and speak very much the same. yet, even among the zouaves there are some who pre-eminently distinguish themselves by their surpassing activity, daring, and successful valour.
zou-zou has a humour of his own even in the heat of battle—grimmest of all grim humours! endless anecdotes are told of their strange speeches and stranger deeds in the midst of the storm of battle. many of these would be painful to our readers, but the following give relief to the stern cruelties of war. would that the kindly or generous feelings which they record could be displayed on more peaceful scenes!
during a bayonet fight, a zouave fought against an austrian, and broke his thigh with a violent butt-end blow; the austrian, in falling, broke the arm of the zouave. there they lay side by side, their mutual fury extinguished. the zouave, who had a smattering of italian, said to the austrian, “thou art brave, and i will not leave thee to die like a dog. i have yet an arm and a pair of good legs, and i will carry thee to the ambulance.” he was as good as his word. when he arrived with his burthen, he said to the surgeon-major. “you see, major, that we are on a level; cure us quickly, that we may do our duty afresh.” we will add, that the compassion and kindness manifested after a battle by the erewhile fierce zouaves towards their wounded enemies, is a fine trait in their character. like our own matchless seamen, the zouaves, are lions whilst the battle rages, and lambs after it is ended.
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here is a touching incident. the day after the battle of palestro, the zouaves buried their dead comrades in a great pit dug on a little eminence. when the earth was levelled, they bid adieu, with emotion, to their slain brothers-in-arms. “comrades!” cried a sergeant, “may god receive you! ’tis your turn to-day—to morrow it may be ours!” with these simple words the zou-zous left their dead brethren to repose on the field of their victory.
and the wounded zou-zous, how bear they the agony of musket ball, or bayonet thrust, or sabre gash, when the excitement of the actual combat is over? when commandant de bellefonds, of the zouaves of the guard, was wounded at magenta, his men wished to carry him to the ambulance. “remain in your place,” said he. “leave me, my friends; i forbid you to remove me: continue to fight.” after the austrians were repulsed, the zou-zous sought their brave officer and bore him away. he eventually recovered.
the zouaves being by far the most popular and brilliant corps in the army, it is considered, both by officers and privates, an absolute privilege to wear their uniform, and both sub and superior officers have been known to refuse to exchange into line regiments even with prospect of higher rank.
some of the zouaves were themselves taken prisoners and sent to vienna, where they attracted extraordinary notice. on their arrival they were surrounded by hungarian and polish soldiers, who examined their uniform and criticized their personal appearance with lively curiosity, making each poor zou-zou exhibit himself and explain the use of every portion of his equipments—which, it is said, he did with great good humour. by way of contrast to the above, we present the following. a number of austrian prisoners arrived at toulouse. a sub-officer of the 3rd zouaves, whose family lived there, and who was himself en route to paris, happened to be at the railway station when the prisoners arrived, and he recognized three austrians whom he had made prisoners at the battle of magenta, where he was wounded by one of them. he now shook hands with his ex-captives, and having obtained permission to defer his own departure, he took all three home with him, and treated them with the utmost hospitality.”
zurich, battles of.—the french were defeated here, losing 4000 men, june 4th, 1799. the imperialists were also defeated here by the french, under messina, and lost the great number of 20,000 men in action. september 24th, 1799.
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