not long were the light division to enjoy the position they had won. breathless, exhausted, bleeding, they were but a handful; and the russians, looking down upon them and seeing that they were unsupported, again advanced in heavy masses, and the light division fell back.
had their division had the whole of their strength they might have been enabled to hold the position they had won. but just as they crossed the river, there was an unfounded alarm of a cavalry attack on the flank, and the 77th and 88th were halted to repel this, and took no share in the advance by the rest of the division.
as the shattered regiments fell back before the russians in a state of disorder, they saw advancing up the slope behind them the brigade of guards in as regular order as if on parade. for a moment the splendid formation was broken as the disordered troops came down upon them. but opening their files they allowed the light division to pass through them, and then closing up again moved forward in splendid order, the highland brigade keeping pace with them on their left, while the regiments of the light division reformed in their rear and followed after.
steadily, under a storm of fire, the guards advanced. grape, canister, round shot, shell, and shot, swept through them but they kept forward till nigh crossing bayonets with the russian infantry.
at this moment, however, two british guns mounted on a knoll opened upon the russians, the victorious french threatened their flank, the russian gunners limbered up and retired, and their infantry suddenly fell back.
on the right of the light division, general sir de lacy evans had also been fighting sternly. the second division had advanced side by side with that of prince napoleon. the resistance which he encountered was obstinate, but more skilled in actual warfare than his brother generals, he covered his advance with the fire of eighteen guns, and so bore forward, suffering far less than the division on his left. he had, however, very heavy fighting before he gained the river. the village had been set on fire by the russians, and the smoke and flames greatly incommoded the men as they fought their way through it. the 95th, however, dashed across the bridge under a storm of missiles, while the 55th and 30th waded through the river, and step by step won their way up the hill. then the firing ceased, and the battle of alma was won.
the force under the russians consisted of some 37,000 men, of whom 3500 were cavalry. they had eighty guns, besides two light batteries of horse artillery. inferior in number as they were, the discrepancy was more than outbalanced by the advantage of position, and had the troops on both sides been of equally good material, the honor of the day should have rested with the defenders.
the british loss consisted of 26 officers killed and 73 wounded, 327 men killed and 1557 wounded. the french had only 3 officers killed and 54 wounded, 253 men killed and 1033 wounded. the turks were not engaged. the russians lost 45 officers killed and 101 wounded, 1762 men killed and 2720 wounded. the allied army had 126 guns against 96 of the russians; but the former, owing to the nature of the ground, played but a small part in the fight.
the whole of the loss fell upon a comparatively small number of the english regiments, and as the french had 9000 men in reserve who had not fired a shot, there was no season why the greater portion of the army, with all the cavalry, should not at once have followed on the track of the beaten russians. had they done so, the war in the crimea would have been over in three days. that time, however, elapsed before a move was made. the reason assigned was the necessity of caring for the wounded and burying the dead. but this might have been committed to the hands of sailors and marines, of whom 5000 might have been landed at night; in which case the whole allied army could have marched at day break.
it was a sad sight when the four regiments of the light division mustered after their work was done. hitherto in the confusion and fierce excitement of the fight, men marked not who stood and who fell. but now as the diminished regiments paraded, mere skeletons of the fine corps which had marched gayly from their camping-ground of the night before, the terrible extent of their losses was manifest. tears rolled down the cheeks of strong men who had never flinched in the storm of fire, as they saw how many of their comrades were absent, and the glory of the victory was dimmed indeed by the sorrow for the dead.
"i wanted to see a battle," harry archer said to captain lancaster, who, like him, had gone through the fight without a scratch, "but this is more than i bargained for. to think of half one's friends and comrades gone, and all in about two hours' fighting. it has been a deadly affair, indeed."
"yes, as far as we are concerned, archer. but not for the whole army. i heard doctor alexander say just now that the casualties were about 1500, and that out of 27,000 men is a mere nothing to the proportion in many battles. the french have, i hear, lost rather less."
"i thought in a battle," harry said, "one would see something of the general affair, but i certainly did not. in fact, from the time when we dashed up the river bank till the capture of the battery, i saw nothing. i knew there were some of our men by the side of me, and that we were all pushing forward, but beyond that i knew absolutely nothing. it was something like going through a tremendous thunder shower with one's head down, only a thousand times more so."
after parade the men scattered in groups; some went down to the river to fill their canteens, others strolled through the vineyards picking grapes, and in spite of the fact that in many places the dead lay thickly together, a careless laugh was sometimes heard. the regiments which had not been engaged were at work bringing in the wounded, and doctor alexander and his assistants were busy at the ghastly task of amputating limbs and extracting balls.
the next day a few officers from the fleet came up; among these was hawtry, who was charged with a special mission from jack, who could not again ask for leave, to inquire after his brother. the wounded were sent down in arabas and litters to the ships, a painful journey of three miles. the french wounded fared better, as they had well-appointed hospital vans. seven hundred and fifty russian wounded were collected and laid together, and were given in charge of the inhabitants of a tartar village near; dr. thomson, of the 44th regiment with a servant volunteering to remain in charge of them, with the certain risk of capture when the russian troops returned after our departure.
on the morning of the 23d the army started, continuing its march along the road to sebastopol, the way being marked not only by debris thrown away by the retreating russians, but by the cottages and pretty villas having been sacked by the cossacks as they retired.
the troops halted for the night at katcha, where the french were reinforced by 8000 men who were landed from transports just arrived, and the english by the scots greys and the 57th. as it was found that the enemy had batteries along the northwest of the harbor of sebastopol which would cause delay and trouble to invest, while the army engaged in the operation would have to draw all its provisions and stores from the harbor at the mouth of the katcha river, it was determined to march round sebastopol, and to invest it on the southern side, where the russians, not expecting it, would have made but slight preparations for a resistance.
towards the sea-face, sebastopol was of immense strength, mounting seventeen guns at the telegraph battery, 104 at fort constantine, eighty at fort saint michael, forty at battery no. 4, and some fifty others in smaller batteries. all these were on the north side of the harbor. on the southern side were the quarantine fort with fifty-one guns, fort alexander with sixty-four, the arsenal battery with fifty, fort saint nicholas with 192, and fort paul with eighty. in addition to these tremendous defences, booms had been fixed across the mouth of the harbor, and a three-decker, three two-deckers, and two frigates sunk in a line, forming a formidable barrier against the entry of hostile ships. besides all this, the whole of the russian black sea fleet were in harbor, and prepared to take part in the defence against an attack by sea. upon the other hand, sebastopol was naturally weak on the land side. it lay in a hollow, and guns from the upper ground could everywhere search it.
at the time when the allied armies arrived before it the only defences were an old loop-holed wall, a battery of fourteen guns and six mortars, and one or two batteries which were as yet scarcely commenced.
the march from the katcha to the south side was performed without interruption, and on the 26th, six days after the battle of alma, the allied army reached their new position. according to arrangements, the british occupied the harbor of balaklava, while the french took possession of kamiesch and kaznatch, as bases for the supply of their armies. at the mouth of balaklava harbor are the ruins of a genoese fort standing 200 feet above the sea. this was supposed to be unoccupied. as the staff, however, were entering the town, they were astonished by four shells falling close to them.
the "agamemnon," which was lying outside, at once opened fire, and the fort immediately hung out a flag of truce. the garrison consisted only of the commandant and sixty men. the officer, on being asked why he should have opened fire when he knew that the place could not be held, replied that he did so as he had not been summoned to surrender, and felt bound in honor to fire until he did so.
the british ships at once entered the harbor, and the disembarkation of the stores and siege-train commenced. the harbor of balaklava was but ill-suited for the requirements of a large army. it was some half mile in length and a few hundred yards broad, and looked like a little inland lake, for the rocks rose precipitously at its mouth, and the passage through them made a bend, so that the outlet was not visible from a ship once fairly inside. the coast is steep and bold, the rocky cliff rising sheer up from the water's edge to heights varying from 400 to 2000 feet. a vessel coasting along it would not notice the narrow passage, or dream—on entering—that a harbor lay hidden behind. on either side of the harbor inside the hills rose steeply, on the left hand, so steeply, that that side was useless for the purposes of shipping. on the right hand there was a breadth of flat ground between the water and the hill, and here and upon the lower slopes stood the village of balaklava. the valley extended for some distance beyond the head of the harbor, most of the ground being occupied with vineyards. beyond was the wide rolling plain upon which the battles of balaklava and inkerman were to be fought. taken completely by surprise, the inhabitants of balaklava had made no attempt to escape, but upon the arrival of the british general, a deputation received him with presents of fruit and flowers.
by this time the fleet had come round, and the sailors were soon hard at work assisting to unload the transports and get the stores and siege materials on shore. it was reported that a marine battery was to be formed, and there was eager excitement on board as to the officers who would be selected. each of the men-of-war contributed their quota, and lieutenant hethcote found that he had been told off as second in command, and that he was to take a midshipman and twenty men of the "falcon."
the matter as to the midshipman was settled by captain stuart.
"you may as well take archer," he said. "you won't like to ask for him because he's your cousin; but i asked for his berth, you know, and don't mind doing a little bit of favoritism this once."
and so, to jack's intense delight, he found that he was to form a portion of the landing party.
these were in all 200 in number, and their work was, in the first place, to assist to get the heavy siege guns from the wharf to the front.
it is necessary that the position occupied by the allies should be perfectly comprehended, in order to understand the battles and operations which subsequently took place. it may be described as a triangle with one bulging side. the apex of the triangle were the heights on the seashore, known as the marine heights.
here, at a point some 800 feet above the sea, where a ravine broke the line of cliffs, was the camp of the marines, in a position almost impregnable against any enemy's force, following the seashore. on the land-slopes of the hills, down towards balaklava, lay the highland brigade, guarding the approach from the plains from the marine heights to the mouth of balaklava valley, at the mouth of which were the camps of the cavalry, and not far off a sailor's camp with heavy guns and 800 men.
this side of the triangle continued along over the undulating ground, and some three miles farther, reached the right flank of the position of the allies above sebastopol, which formed the base of our imaginary triangle.
this position was a plateau, of which one side sloped down to sebastopol; the end broke steeply off down into the valley of inkerman, while behind the slopes were more gradual. to the left it fell away gradually towards the sea. this formed the third side of the triangle. but between balaklava and sebastopol the land made a wide bulge outwards, and in this bulge lay the french harbor of kamiesch.
from the marine heights to the crest looking down upon sebastopol was a distance of some seven miles. from the right of our position above inkerman valley to kamiesch was about five miles.
a glance at the map will enable this explanation to be understood.
at the commencement of the siege the british were posted on the right of the allies. this, no doubt, was the post of honor, but it threw upon them an enormous increase of work. in addition to defending balaklava, it was upon them that the brunt of any assault by a russian army acting in the field would fall. they would have an equal share of the trench-work, and had five miles to bring up their siege guns and stores; whereas the french harbor was close to their camp.
it was tremendous work getting up the guns, but soldiers and sailors willingly toiled away, pushing, and hauling, and aiding the teams, principally composed of bullocks, which had been brought up from constantinople and other turkish ports. long lines of arabas, laden with provisions and stores, crawled slowly along between balaklava and the front. strings of mules and horses, laden with tents, and driven by men of every nationality bordering the mediterranean, followed the same line.
parties of soldiers, in fatigue suits, went down to sebastopol to assist unloading the ships and bringing up stores. parties of officers on ponies brought from varna or other ports on the black sea, cantered down to make purchases of little luxuries on board the ships in the harbor, or from the levantines, who had set up little shops near it. all was life and gayety.
"it is all very well, mr. archer," growled dick simpson, an old boatswain, as the men paused after helping to drag a heavy gun up one of the slopes, "in this here weather, but it won't be no laughing matter when the winter comes on. why, these here fields would be just a sheet of mud. why, bless you, last winter i was a staying with a brother of mine what farms a bit of land down in norfolk, and after a week's rain they couldn't put the horses on to the fields. this here sile looks just similar, only richer and deeper, and how they means to get these big carts laden up through it, beats me altogether."
"yes, dick," jack archer answered, "but they expect to take the place before the winter comes on."
"they expects," the old tar repeated scornfully. "for my part, i don't think nothing of these soldier chaps. why, i was up here with the first party as come, the day after we got here, and there warn't nothing in the world to prevent our walking into it. here we've got 50,000 men, enough, sir, to have pushed those rotten old walls down with their hands, and here we be a-digging and a-shovelling on the hillside nigh a mile from the place, and the russians are a-digging and a-shovelling just as hard at their side. i see 'em last night after we got back to camp. it seems to me as if these here generals wanted to give 'em time to make the place so strong as we cannot take it, before they begins. why, it stands to reason that the rooshians, who've got their guns all stored close at hand, their soldiers and their sailors handy, and no trouble as to provisions and stores, can run up works and arm them just about three times as fast as we can; and where shall we be at the end of three months? we shall be just a-shivering and a-shaking, and a-starving with cold, and short of grub on that 'ere hill; and the rooshians will be comfortable in the town a-laughing at us. don't tell me, mr. archer; my opinion is, these 'ere soldiers are no better than fools. they don't seem to have no common sense."
"i hope it's not as bad as all that, dick," jack laughed. "but it certainly does seem as if we were purposely giving the russians time to strengthen themselves. but you'll see when we go at them we shall make short work of them."
"well, i hope so, mr. archer," dick simpson said, shaking his head ominously, "but i'm dubious about it."
by this time the oxen and men had recovered their breath, and they again set to at their tiresome work. although the weather was fine and the position of the camps high and healthy, the cholera which had ravaged their ranks at varna still followed them, and during the three first weeks in the crimea, the allies lost as many men from this cause as they had done in the battle of alma.
by the 4th of october forty pieces of heavy artillery had been brought up to the front, and the work of the trenches began in earnest.
on the morning of the 10th the russian batteries for the first time opened a heavy fire upon us. but the distance was too great for much harm to be done. on the 11th the russians made their first sortie, which was easily repulsed.
on the 17th of october the bombardment commenced. the french and english had 117 guns in position, the russians 130. the fire commenced at half-past six. by 8.40 a french magazine at the extreme right blew up, killing and wounding 100 men, while the french fire at this part was crushed by that of the russians opposed to them. all day, however, the cannonade continued unabating on both sides, the men-of-war aiding the land forces by engaging the forts.
during the night the russians, having plenty of guns at hand, and labor in abundance, mounted a larger number of guns, and their superiority was so marked that the bombardment was gradually discontinued, and even the most sanguine began to acknowledge that an enormous mistake had been made in not attacking upon our arrival, and that it was impossible to say how long the siege would last. ammunition, too, was already running short.
for the next day or two, however, our guns continued their fire. but the french had been so completely overpowered by the heavy russian metal that they were unable to assist us. the sailors had had their full share of work during the bombardment. captain peel, who commanded the party, was just the man to get the greatest possible amount of work from them. always in high spirits, taking his full share in all the work, and exposing himself recklessly in the heaviest fire, he was almost idolized by his men.
jack archer lived in a tent with five other midshipmen, and was attended upon by one of the fore-top men, who, not having been told off for the party, had begged permission to go in that capacity.
tom hammond was the most willing of servants, but his abilities were by no means equal to his good-will. his ideas of cooking were of the vaguest kind. the salt junk was either scarcely warm through, or was boiled into a soup. the preserved potatoes were sometimes burned from his neglect of putting sufficient water, or he had forgotten to soak them beforehand, and they resembled bits of gravel rather than vegetables. sometimes the boys laughed, sometimes they stormed, and tom was more than once obliged to beat a rapid retreat to escape a volley of boots and other missiles.
at first the tent was pitched in the usual way on the ground; but one of the boys, in a ramble through the camp, had seen an officer's tent prepared in a way which added greatly to its comfort, and this they at once adopted. tom hammond was set to dig a hole of eighteen inches smaller diameter than the circle of the tent. it was three feet in depth, with perpendicular sides. at nine inches from the edge a trench a foot deep was dug. in the centre was an old flour barrel filled with earth. upon this stood the tent-pole. the tent was brought down so as to extend six inches into the ditch, the nine-inch rim of earth standing inside serving as a shelf on which to put odds and ends. a wall of sods, two feet high, was erected round the outside of the little ditch. thus a comfortable habitation was formed. the additional three feet of height added greatly to the size of the tent, as the occupants could now stand near the edges instead of in the centre only. it was much warmer than before at night, and all draught was excluded by the tent overlapping the ditch, and by the wall outside. a short ladder at the entrance enabled them to get in and out.
tom hammond had grumbled at first at the labor which this freak of his masters entailed. but as the work went on and he saw how snug and comfortable was the result, he took a pride in it, and the time was not far off when its utility was to become manifest. indeed, later on in the winter the greater portion of the tents were got up in this manner.
the camp of the light division was not far from that of the sailors, and the two brothers were often together. fortunately both of them had so far escaped the illnesses which had already decimated the army.
