during a severe illness with which i was visited in 1812,—the particulars of which i need not detail to you, my dear jane, as the part you and your mother and sisters took, in nursing me night and day, must be fresh in all your memories, and which i only here mention on account of its association,—i determined, if i recovered, to go on with a publication of “?sop’s fables.” while i lay helpless, from weakness, and pined to a skeleton, without any hopes of recovery being entertained either by myself or any one else, i became, as it were, all mind and memory. i had presented to my recollection almost everything that had passed through life, both what i had done and what i had left undone. after much debating in my own mind where i should be buried, i fixed upon ovingham; and, when this was settled, i became quite resigned to the will of omnipotence, and felt happy. i could not, however, help regretting that i had not published a book similar to “croxall’s ?sop’s fables,” as i had always intended to do. i was extremely fond of that book; and, as it had afforded me much pleasure, i thought, with better executed designs, it would impart the same kind of delight to others that i had experienced from attentively reading it. i was also of opinion, that it had (while admiring the cuts) led hundreds of young men into the paths of wisdom and rectitude, and in that way had materially assisted the pulpit.
as soon as i was so far recovered as to be able to sit at the window at home, i began to draw designs upon the wood of the fables and vignettes; and to me this was a most delightful task. in impatiently pushing forward to get to press with the publication, i availed myself of the help of my pupils—my son, william harvey, and william temple—who were eager to do their utmost to forward me in the engraving business, and in my struggles to get the book ushered into the world. notwithstanding the pleasurable business of bringing out this publication, i felt it an arduous undertaking. the execution of the fine work of the cuts, during day-light, was very trying to the eyes, and the compiling or writing the book by candle-light, in my evenings at home, together injured the optic nerve, and that put all the rest of the nerves “out of tune;” so that i was obliged, for a short time, to leave off such intense application until i somewhat recovered the proper tone of memory and of sight. indeed i found in this book more difficulties to conquer than i had experienced with either the “quadrupeds” or the “birds.” the work was finished at press on the first of october, 1818. it was not so well printed as i expected and wished.
during the eventful period of the french revolution, and the wide-spreading war which followed in consequence of it, and in which our government became deeply engaged, extending from 1793 to 1814—a time of blood and slaughter—i frequently, by way of unbending the mind after the labours of the day, spent my evenings in company with a set of staunch advocates for the liberties of mankind, who discussed the passing events mostly with the cool, sensible, and deliberate attention which the importance of the subject required. in partaking in these debatings, i now find i spent rather too much time. i fear it was useless; for it requires little discernment to see that, where a man’s interest is at stake, he is very unwilling to hear any argument that militates against it; and people who are well paid are always very loyal. to argue on any subject, unless a principle, or what mathematicians would call a datum, is first laid down to go upon, is only gabble. it begins and must end in nonsense; and i suspect that many of the long, wearisome speeches and debatings, carried on for such a number of years in the houses of lords and commons, as well as many of the innumerable weekly or daily essays, and some of the pamphlets which the revolution and the war gave rise to, were devoid of a right principle—a principle of rectitude to guide them. the causes of this revolution, and the horrible war which ended it, will form a most interesting subject for the head and the pen of some future historian of a bold and enlightened mind—truly to depicture it in all its bearings, perhaps long after the animosity of party feelings and the parties themselves have passed away.
from the best consideration i have been able to give to the question, i cannot help viewing it in this way. in the year 1789, the french revolution broke out, first of all from the income of the government not being sufficient to defray its expenditure, or in other words, from its finances having become deranged for want of money, and which the people, having been taxed to the utmost and brought down to poverty, could no longer supply. the aristocracy and the priesthood (the privileged orders, as they were called) contributed little or nothing to support the state; and, instead of being the natural guardians or depositories of the honour and virtue of the nation, they were chiefly known as its oppressors. by exaction, cruelty, and tyranny, the people had long been borne down to the lowest pitch of degradation. they were considered, not as rational human beings, equal in mind and intellect to their oppressors, but as beings made for the purpose only of continually labouring to support them in all their real and imaginary wants. this is nearly the case in all countries where the aristocracy are kept up and blinded by pride and guided by ignorance. in this they are supported by what may be called their satellites—a kind of bastard breed, who, in aping the worst part of the character of those exalted above them, show themselves off as the opulent, aspiring, purse-proud gentry of a country.
“if aught on earth th’ immortal powers deride,
’tis surely this,—the littleness of pride.”
this kind of treatment, so long shown to the people of france, could be endured no longer. they, indeed, seemed heartily disposed to settle a rational and just representative government quietly themselves; but this did not suit the views of the surrounding despots, to whom the very word liberty was offensive, and it was determined, at once, that this attempt of the people to resume their rights should instantly be overwhelmed. for this purpose, immense armed and well-disciplined mercenaries were gathered together, and almost surrounded the country. thus situated, and remembering the traditionary tales handed down to them of the cruelties and oppressions under which their forefathers had groaned, the french people could not bear their condition any longer. they were driven to madness, and instantly retaliated upon their oppressors, who, they conceived, meant that they and their children’s children should continue to be doomed for ages to come. in this state of the public mind, the french people rose simultaneously, as one man, and with unconquerable energy and bravery, like a whirlwind, swept the advocates and the armies of despotism from off the face of the earth. thus roused, this confederacy of legitimates, finding or fearing that they might be baffled in their attempts, looked to england for support; and grieved, indeed, were the advocates of rational liberty to find that these enemies to freedom had not looked in vain; for the government of this free country and free people—long veering, indeed, from the line of rectitude—had readily found pretexts for entering into a war in support of despotism; and war was begun, in the year 1793, against the republican government of france.
it had long been the settled opinion of many profound politicians, that corruption had spread, and was spreading, its baneful influence among the members of the government of this kingdom; and that the majority cared nothing about maintaining the constitution in its purity, which to them was become like an old song. in this state of things, with mr. pitt at their head, and the resources of the british isles in their hands, it was calculated upon as a certainty that his weight, added to the already powerful confederacy, would soon put a stop to the march of intellect, and, if found necessary, put an extinguisher upon the rights of man.
it is horrible to contemplate the immense destruction of human beings, and the waste of treasure, which followed and supported this superlatively wicked war. under the mask of patriotism, mr. pitt had begun his career, but he soon changed sides, and, blinded perhaps by ambition, became the powerful advocate of an opposite and perverted order of things. thus situated, nothing could to a certainty serve his purpose so well as corruption; and the house of commons had long been growing into a state befitting his purpose; for its members had, in a great degree, ceased to be the representatives of the people, and he had now only to begin an invigorated, new, or more extended system of place and patronage to have the majority at his nod; and, in aid of this, to add an extension of the peerage. this demi-oligarchy, cemented together by feelings of rapacious interests, in his hands was the best organised system of extorting money that ever had appeared in the world. they met together to tax—tax—tax; and, under various pretexts, to rob the people “according to law,” and to divide the spoil amongst themselves and their friends. arbitrary laws were enacted, gagging bills were passed, and a system of espionage spread over the kingdom to keep the people down, many of whom seemed to have forgotten the exertions of their forefathers, whose blood had been spilt to purchase a better order of things. i felt particularly hurt at the apathy of country gentlemen in these (politically considered) worst of times. their faculties seemed benumbed; but, indeed, most of them fell into the vortex of corruption themselves. they appeared to me to have lost their former independent character, and to be now looking out to that evil source as a provision for the younger branches of their own families, unmindful of all other ill consequences, which this selfishness blindly supported and maintained. the minions of power were countenanced and protected, by which they became insolent and impudent, and walked in stately array, hand in hand, in safety. although the friends of liberty and the constitution were both numerous and intrepid, yet, for want of what they termed respectable heads, they were widely spread and divided, and their efforts proved in vain. there was also an intermediate or neutral race, consisting of those who had not laid down any principle to guide them. they were mostly such as advocated the cause of corruption; and, in listening to them, i was disgusted at their senseless arguments. they were proof against reasoning, and thoroughly convinced me that “a wise man changes his opinion, but a fool never does.” they, however, kept on the safe side; they were loyal; and the gist of their arguments, with which they ended all their disputes, were summed up in this—“if you do not like your country, leave it. what do you want? are not we very well off?” their reflecting powers reached no further, and they could not see by what slow degrees the arm of despotism had so often circumspectly stretched its iron hand over the liberties of the people, and then crushed them.
while bickerings and debatings were going on amongst politicians at home, the continent was deluged with the blood of many destructive battles. the sea was also crimsoned in the same way; and it was on this element that the tide of affairs was first turned in favour of britain, who now, by the valour of her seamen, reigned complete “mistress of the deep,” and the commerce of the world seemed to be poured into her lap. estates rose in value to an extraordinary height, and the price of grain, &c., still more so. the shipping interest wallowed in riches; the gentry whirled about in aristocratic pomposity; they forgot what their demeanour and good, kind, behaviour used to be to those in inferior stations of life; and seemed now far too often to look upon them like dirt. the character of the richer class of farmers was also changed. they acted the gentleman very awkwardly, and many of them could not, in these times, drink anything but wine, and even that was called “humble port.” when these upstart gentlemen left the market, they were ready to ride over all they met or overtook on the way; but this was as nothing compared to the pride and folly which took possession of their empty or fume-charged heads, when they got dressed in scarlet. they were then fitted for any purpose, and were called “yeomanry cavalry.” pride and folly then became personified. when peace came, it brought with it a sudden fall in the price of corn; but the taxes continuing the same to them, and rents still keeping high, they, with few exceptions, suddenly experienced a woful change. i cannot say, after seeing so much of their folly, that i was sorry for them; for they mostly deserved this reverse of fortune. not so with the industrious labourer. his privations were great, and he was undeservedly doomed to suffer for want of employment, and often to waste away and die of hunger and want.
during the greater portion of the war, the landowners may be said to have paid little or nothing to support it; for the extra rents paid almost all their taxes; but at length the evils brought on by so long a war fell also heavily upon numbers of them, who, on account of tithes and taxes with which the land was loaded, could hardly get any rent at all.
it will seem a wonder to future ages how the british people could so long have supported the squandered expenditure of the government; still they were not like the long-worn-down subjects of continental despots; for what the latter can get from their subjects is like clippings from the back and sides of swine, while the ingenuity, the industry, and the energy of the british people furnish the well-grown fleeces of sheep. pity it is that they should have been so often wickedly shorn to the bare skin.
this state of temporary prosperity, to which i have alluded, incited to agricultural improvements; and societies for the promotion, and premiums for the encouragement, of various desiderata blazed forth over a great part of the kingdom. cattle, sheep, horses, and swine, all of which were called “live stock,” occupied a great deal of attention, and in the improvement of the various breeds agriculturalists succeeded to a certain, and in some cases, perhaps, to a great extent. and yet i cannot help thinking that they often suffered their whimsies to overshoot the mark, and in many instances to lead them on to the ridiculous.
after all,—these enquiries having opened the eyes of the landlords to their own interests,—it is not unlikely that the man of industry, the plain, plodding farmer will, without receiving any reward, have to pay for these improvements. my kind, my intimate friend, john bailey, esq., of chillingham, in conjunction with another friend of mine, george culley, esq., of fowberry, were the active, judicious, and sensible authors of many of the agricultural reports, in which they did not lose sight of the farmer. they wished to inculcate the principle of “to live and let live” between landlord and tenant.
it will readily be supposed, that, where such exertions were made, and pains taken to breed the best kinds of all the domestic animals, jealousy and envy would be excited, and contentions arise as to which were the best; but for me to dilate upon this would only lead me out of the way. i shall, however, notice an instance, as it happened to occur between my two friends, mr. smith, of woodhall, and mr. bailey. the latter, in connection with his report on cheviot sheep, had given a bad figure of a ram of that breed. this was construed into a design to lessen the character of mr. smith’s cheviot sheep, on which, in april, 1798, the latter sent for me to draw and engrave a figure of one of his rams, by way of contrasting it with the figure mr. bailey had given. the colour mr. smith gave to the business was, not to find fault with mr. bailey’s figure, but to show how much he (mr. smith) had improved the breed since mr. bailey had written his report.
whilst i was at woodhall, i was struck with the sagacity of a dog belonging to mr. smith. the character for sagacity of the shepherd’s dog was well-known to me, but this instance of it was exemplified before my own eyes. mr. smith wished to have a particular ram brought out from amongst the flock, for the purpose of my seeing it. before we set out, he observed to the shepherd, that he thought the old dog (he was grey-headed and almost blind) would do well enough for what he wanted with him. before we reached the down, where the flock was feeding, i observed that mr. smith was talking to the dog before he ordered him off on his errand; and, while we were conversing on some indifferent subject, the dog brought a ram before us. mr. smith found a deal of fault with the dog, saying, did i not order you so and so? and he scolded him for bringing a wrong sheep, and then, after fresh directions, set him off again to bring the one he wished me to see. we then returned home, and shortly after our arrival there, the dog brought the very ram wanted, along with a few other sheep, into the fold, where i took a drawing of him.
shortly after my return from woodhall, i was sent for to darlington, and thence to barmpton, to make drawings of cattle and sheep, to be engraved for a durham report. after i had made my drawings from the fat sheep, i soon saw that they were not approved, but that they were to be made like certain paintings shown to me. i observed to my employer that the paintings bore no resemblance to the animals whose figures i had made my drawings from; and that i would not alter mine to suit the paintings that were shown to me; but, if it were wished that i should make engravings from these paintings, i had not the slightest objection to do so, and i would also endeavour to make fac similes of them. this proposal would not do; and my journey, as far as concerned these fat cattle makers, ended in nothing. i objected to put lumps of fat here and there where i could not see it, at least not in so exaggerated a way as on the painting before me; so “i got my labour for my trouble.” many of the animals were, during this rage for fat cattle, fed up to as great a weight and bulk as it was possible for feeding to make them; but this was not enough; they were to be figured monstrously fat before the owners of them could be pleased. painters were found who were quite subservient to this guidance, and nothing else would satisfy. many of these paintings will mark the times, and, by the exaggerated productions of the artists, serve to be laughed at when the folly and the self-interested motives which gave birth to them are done away.
