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Chapter 1

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of the bodily constitution of the north american indians, and of the measure of their intellectual faculties.

robertson, in his graphic representations of indian character, affirms or rather insinuates, that the constitution of the american indian labours under some physical defect. but that this defect is an accident arising from the influence of peculiar institutions, and the mode of training prevalent among the indian tribes, is evidenced by the facts which that historian himself relates. the american indian may be indolent during a season of peace. extreme lassitude and an apparent want of physical energy may form the more prominent traits in his character. but when war demands his exertions in the field, or when pressed by the necessities of nature to go in quest of food, he displays a courage, an address, and an amount of bodily energy which prove him to be possessed of physical strength equal to that which the natives of more polished and civilized climes exhibit. it is during a season of hunting or of war that the most strenuous exertions of courage, force, and activity are called forth. the savage of america, at such a time, appears to shake off the native indolence of his disposition. he becomes patient, active, courageous and indefatigable. all the powers of his mind and of his body are roused into exertion; and he performs feats of agility and of strength, and exhibits a degree of perseverance, which prove him to be in these respects equal to the natives of europe.

it is true the exhibition of perseverance and strength, on the part of the american savage, is not constant but casual. it is only when fierce passions stimulate him to exertion, that he puts forth all his powers. nevertheless the casual exhibition of this strength and perseverance proves, that the opposite qualities are not essential to his nature; and seemingly warrants the conclusion that the indolence and want of energy which mark his character, are the results of that peculiar system of training to which he has been subjected.

of the persevering speed of the americans many instances are on record. adair mentions a chikkasah warrior who ran through woods and over[6] mountains, three hundred computed miles in a day and a half and two nights. “i have known the indians,” he observes in another place, “to go a thousand miles for the purpose of revenge, in pathless woods, over hills and mountains, through huge cane swamps, exposed to the extremities of heat and cold, the vicissitudes of seasons, to hunger and thirst. such is their over-boiling revengeful temper, that they utterly contemn all these things as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to get the scalp of the murderer or enemy to satisfy the craving ghosts of their deceased relations.” robertson, in the notes to his history of america, states that “m. godin le jeune, who resided fifteen years among the indians of puru and quito, and twenty years in the french colony of cayenne, in which there is a constant intercourse with the galibis, and other tribes on the orinoco, observes, that the vigour of constitution among the americans is exactly in proportion to their habits of labour. the indians, in warm climates, such as those on the coasts of the south sea, on the river of amazons, and the river orinoco, are not to be compared for strength with those in cold countries; and yet, says he, boats daily set out from para, a portugese settlement on the river of amazons, to ascend that river against the rapidity of the stream; and with the same crew they proceed to san pablo, which is eight hundred leagues distant. no crew of white people or even of negroes, would be found equal to a task of such persevering fatigue as the portugese have experienced; and yet the indians, being accustomed to this labour from their infancy, perform it.”[2]

these facts prove, that whatever may be the accidental indolence of the indian tribes, they do not labour under any physical defect essential to them as men, and not peculiar to the natives of other climes. the fine gentleman of europe, who has been nursed in the lap of luxury and refinement, would, if compelled to labour, exhibit as great a want of physical strength as the indian of america. the difference in this respect between the aborigines of the western world, and the inhabitants of more civilized regions, is purely accidental. reared within the pale of a civilized community, and surrounded with innumerable objects adapted to awaken thought, stimulate curiosity, and call his mental and bodily powers into exertion, the european feels a variety of wants, and is subject to a variety of influences to which the savage is a stranger. experience gives him foresight and wisdom, and induces him to act with a view to remote advantage, as well as to present gratification. the numerous casualties and reverses of fortune which happen to individuals in civilised society, teach him to be provident for the future. the simple necessities of nature, as well as the more numerous class of wants which follow in the train of civilization, stimulate him to engage in long courses of action by which his mental faculties are enlarged, his bodily strength disciplined, and his power of persevering increased. but with the indian of america the case is in many respects reversed. his food and drink are in most cases obtained with little trouble, and his natural wants, which are few, are easily satisfied. the flesh of the wild animals he ensnares or kills in the chase, the roots of native plants and vegetables, and a small proportion of maize or indian corn, along with fruits and other things obtained with as little art, serve him for food; the skins of beasts for clothing; and a week-wam, constructed with a small amount of skill and labour, affords him shelter from the inclemency of the weather. surrounded with abundance of hunting territory, wherein the (to him) staple[7] commodities of life are plentiful, he is satisfied, and lives in a state of comparative independence. believing that his own lot is the happiest, and accustomed to roam the forest from his infancy, he feels not the force of those powerful motives which affect the bosoms of other men. the love of gain is in his case modified by the extent of his information respecting it; and as the commodities, which to him are articles of wealth, are easily procured, he consequently becomes indolent when surrounded by abundance.

we do not attempt to insinuate that the north american indian is equal to the european in address, wisdom, or even physical ability, at the present time. we only contend that the lack of physical energy, which some authors say the aborigines of america exhibit, proceeds not from any constitutional defect peculiar to them as a race, but from accidental causes over which they have but little control. let these causes be removed—let the indians be subjected to a different mode of treatment—let them be placed under those influences which affect the inhabitants of civilized communities, and we have reason to opine that they would exhibit a character as vigorous as that of europeans.

the following general description of the physiological part of indian character we quote from a modern writer:—“the natives of this part of the world are in general of a robust frame, and a well proportioned figure. their complexion is of bronze, or reddish copper hue—rusty coloured, as it were, and not unlike cinnamon. their hair is black, long, coarse, and shining, but not thickly set on the head. their beard is thin and grows in tufts. their forehead is low, and their eyes are lengthened out, with the outer angles turned up towards the temples; the eyebrows high, the cheekbone prominent; the nose a little flattened but well marked; the lips extended, and the teeth closely set and pointed. in their mouth there is an expression of sweetness, which forms a contrast with the harsh character of their countenance. their head is of a square shape, and their face is broad, without being flat, and tapers towards the chin. their features viewed in profile, are prominent and deeply sculptured. they have a high chest, massy thighs, and arched legs: their feet are generally large, though some have been noticed to have small feet and hands; and their whole body is squat and thick-set. though the shape of the forehead and of the vertex frequently depends on artificial means, yet independently of the custom which prevails among them of disfiguring the heads of infants, there is no other people in the world in whom the frontal bone is so much flattened above; and generally speaking, the skull is light. such are said to be the general characteristics of all the natives of america, with the exception, perhaps, of those who occupy the two extremities. the northern esquimaux, for instance, are below the middle stature; the abipones, it is said, and still more the patagonians, exceed the ordinary height. this muscular constitution, with a tall figure, is in some degree met with among the natives of chili, as well as the caribbeans, on the banks of the caroni, a tributary of the orinoco, and amongst the arkansas, who are esteemed the handsomest natives of this continent.

“the copper or bronze hue of the skin is, with some slight exceptions, common to all the natives of america, upon which the climate, the situation, or the mode of living appear not to exercise the slightest influence. some of the tribes in guiana are described as nearly black, though easily distinguished from the negro. the colour of the natives of brazil and of[8] california is deep, although the latter inhabit the temperate zone, and the former live near the tropic. the natives of new spain are darker than the indians of quito and new granada, who inhabit a precisely analogous climate. the nations dispersed to the north of the rio gola are darker than those that border on the kingdom of guatemala. the indians who, in the torrid zone, inhabit the most elevated table land of the cordilleras of the andes, have a complexion as much copper coloured as those who cultivate the banana under a burning sun in the narrowest and deepest valleys of the equinoctial regions. the indians who inhabit the mountains are clothed, and were so long before the conquest; while the aborigines that wander on the plains of south america, are perfectly or nearly naked, and consequently are always exposed to the sun. these facts show that the colour of the american depends very little on the local situation which he actually occupies; and never, in the same individual, are those parts of the body that are constantly covered, of a fairer colour than those in contact with the air; the infants, moreover, are never white when they are born.

“it was formerly supposed that the americans were without beards, and certainly there are many among them who have neither beard nor hair on any part of their person except the head. but the indians who inhabit the torrid zone and south america, have generally a small beard which becomes longer by shaving; and among the patagonians there are many who have beards. a late traveller (temple) asserts that the chiriguano indians of the province of tarija are beardless, without stating any opinion as to this being natural or the effect of plucking out the hair. almost all the indians near mexico, and some on the north west coast, wear moustachios. an inference has been drawn that the indians have a larger quantity of beard in proportion to their distance from the equator. the deficiency of beard does not exclusively belong to the americans, nor is it by any means a certain sign of degeneracy; for some beardless races, such as the negroes of congo, are very robust and of colossal size.”[3]

another description of indian character we borrow from adair’s “history of the aborigines of north america.” we quote it with great pleasure, as fully bearing out our own argument with respect to the physical capacity of the north american indians, and as being the testimony of a man who resided long among them.

“as the american indians,” he observes, “are of a reddish or copper colour, so, in general, they are strong, well proportioned in body and limbs, surprisingly active and nimble, and hardy in their own way of living.

“they are ingenious, witty, cunning and deceitful; very faithful indeed to their own tribes, but privately dishonourable and mischievous to the europeans and christians. their being honest and harmless to each other, may be through fear of resentment and reprisal, which is unavoidable in case of any injury. they are very close and retentive of their secrets; never forget injuries; and are revengeful of blood to a degree of distraction. they are timorous and consequently cautious; very jealous of encroachments from their christian neighbours; and likewise content with freedom in every turn of fortune. they are possessed of a strong comprehensive judgement, can form surprisingly crafty schemes, and conduct them with equal caution, silence, and address; they admit none but distinguished warriors and old beloved men, into their councils. they are slow, but very[9] persevering, in their undertakings; commonly temperate in their eating, but excessively immoderate in drinking. they often transform themselves by liquor, into the likeness of mad foaming bears. the women, in general, are of a mild, amiable, and soft disposition; exceedingly modest in their behaviour, and very seldom noisy in the single or married state.

“the men are expert in the use of fire arms—in shooting the bow and throwing the feathered dart into the flying enemy. they resemble the lynx with their sharp penetrating black eye, and are exceedingly swift of foot, especially in a long chase. they will stretch away through the rough woods, by the bare track, for two or three hundred miles, in pursuit of a flying enemy, with the continued speed and eagerness of a staunch pack of bloodhounds, till they shed blood. when they have allayed this burning thirst, they return home at their leisure, unless they chance to be pursued, as is sometimes the case; whence the traders say, ‘that an indian is never in a hurry, but when the devil is at his heels.’

“it is remarkable that there are no deformed indians; however, they are generally weaker and smaller bodied, between the tropics, than in higher latitudes; but not in an equal proportion: for though the chikkasah and choktah countries have not been long divided from each other, as appears by the similarity of their language, as well as other things; yet the chikkasah are exceedingly taller and stronger bodied than the latter, though their country is only two degrees farther north. such a small difference of latitude, in so healthy a region, could not make so wide a difference in the constitution of their bodies. the former are a comely, pleasant looking people; their faces are tolerably round, contrary to the visage of the others, which inclines much to flatness, as is the case with most of the other indian americans. the lips of the indians, in general, are thin.

“their eyes are small, sharp, and black; and their hair is lank, coarse, and darkish. i never saw any with curled hair, but one, in the choktah country, where was also another with red hair; probably, they were a mixture of the french and indians. both sexes pluck all the hair off their bodies with a kind of tweezers, made formerly of shells, now of middle-sized wire, in the shape of a gunworm; which being twisted round a small stick, and the ends thereof fastened therein, after being properly tempered, keeps its form: holding this indian razor between their forefinger and thumb, they deplume themselves after the manner of the jewish novitiate priests and proselytes.

“their chief dress is very simple, like that of the patriarchal age; of choice, many of their old head men wear a long wide frock, made of the skins of wild beasts. they seem quite easy and indifferent in every various scene of life, as if they were utterly divested of passions and of the sense of feeling. martial virtue and not riches is their invariable standard for preferment; for they neither esteem nor despise any of their people one jot more or less on account of riches or dress. they compare both these to paint on a warrior’s face; because it incites others to a spirit of martial benevolence for their country, and pleases his own fancy, and the eyes of spectators for a little time, but is sweated off, while he is performing his war dances, or is defaced by the change of weather.

“they formerly wore shirts made of dressed deer-skins for their summer visiting dress; but their winter hunting clothes were long and shaggy, made of the skins of panthers, bucks, bears, beavers, and otters; the fleshly[10] side outwards, sometimes doubled, and always softened like velvet cloth, though they retained their fur and hair. the needles and thread they used formerly, (and now at times) were fish bones, or the horns and bones of deer, rubbed sharp, and deer’s sinews, and a sort of hemp that grows among them spontaneously, in rich open lands. the women’s dress consists only in a broad softened skin, or several small skins sewed together, which they wrap and tie round their waist, reaching a little below their knees: in cold weather they wrap themselves in the softened skins of buffalo calves, with the wintery shagged wool inward, never forgetting to anoint and tie up their hair except in their time of mourning. the men wear for ornament and for the convenience of hunting, thin deer skin boots well smoked, that reach so high up their thighs, as with their jackets to secure them from the brambles and braky thickets. they sew them about five inches from the edges, which are formed into tassels, to which they fasten fawn’s trotters and small pieces of tinkling metal, or wild turkey cock’s spurs. the braves used to fasten the like to their warpipes, with the addition of a piece of an enemy’s scalp, with a tuft of long hair hanging down from the middle of the stem, each of them painted red: and they still observe that old custom, only they choose bell buttons to give a greater sound.

“the young indian men and women, through a fondness of their ancient dress, wrap a piece of cloth round them, that has a near resemblance to the roman toga, or pr?texta. it is about a fathom square, bordered seven or eight quarters deep, to make a shining cavalier of the beau monde, and to keep out both heat and cold. with this frantic apparel the red heroes swaddle themselves, when they are waddling whooping and prancing it away around the reputed holy fire. in a sweating condition they will thus incommode themselves frequently for a whole night, actuated by the same principle of pride which actuates the spaniard to wear his winter cloak in summer.…

“they make their shoes for common use, out of the skins of the bear and elk, well dressed and smoked to prevent hardening; and those for ornament, out of deer-skins, done in the like manner: but they chiefly go bare-footed, and always bare-headed. the men fasten several different sorts off beautiful feathers, frequently in tufts, or the wing of a red bird, or the skin of a small hawk, to a lock of hair on the crown of their heads. and every different nation when at war, trim their hair after a different manner, through contempt of each other; thus they can distinguish an enemy in the woods so far off as they can see him.

“the indians flatten their heads in divers forms; but it is chiefly the crown of the head they depress, in order to beautify themselves, as their wild fancy terms it; for they call us long heads by way of contempt. the choktah indians flatten their foreheads from the top of the head to the eyebrows with a small bag of sand; which gives them a hideous appearance; as the forehead naturally shoots upwards according as it is flattened: thus the rising of the nose instead of being equidistant from the beginning of the chin to that of the hair, is, by their wild mechanism, placed a great deal nearer to the one and further from the other. the indian nations round south carolina, and all the way to new mexico, to effect this, fix the tender infant on a kind of cradle, where his feet are tilted, above a foot higher than a horizontal position, his head bends back into a hole, made on purpose[11] to receive it; where he bears the chief part of his weight on the crown of the head, upon a small bag of sand without being in the least able to move himself. the skull, resembling a fine cartilaginous substance, in its infant state, is capable of taking any impression. by this pressure, and their thus flattening the crown of the head, they consequently make their heads thick and their faces broad. may we not to this custom and as a necessary effect of this cause attribute their fickle, wild, and cruel tempers? especially when we connect therewith, both a false education and great exercise to agitate their animal spirits. when the brain, in cooler people, is disturbed, it neither reasons nor determines with proper judgment. the indians thus look on every thing around them through their own false medium; and vilify our heads because they have given a wrong turn to their own.”

the preceding description of indian character is more deserving of attention on account of its simplicity, correctness, and the information it affords, than on account of the beauty of its style. adair is indeed a harsh writer; yet he narrates facts and occurrences which fell beneath his own observation; and therefore his testimony is of considerable value. his history of the american indians, whatever value we may attach to his theory respecting their origin affords many striking confirmations of the position we have assumed, namely, that the american indians are not naturally and essentially inferior in physical capacity to any other race of men. nor is adair the only author who either adopts this opinion, or furnishes the facts from which it may be inferred. these facts may be found in the narratives of missionaries, traders, and almost all writers who have visited the indian tribes.

james buchanan, formerly his britannic majesty’s consul for the state of new york, has some excellent observations on the evidences of general capacity among the indians, in the first volume of his sketches of their history and customs. after describing the hospitable and polite reception which he met with from the children of the celebrated mohawk indian chief, captain brandt, he observes:—“my thus becoming acquainted with this young lady and her brother, fully establishes in my mind all i was anxious to prove by the education of a young indian: and many such instances might be adduced which would evince that wisdom, science, and exaltation of character, are not the exclusive property of any colour, tribe, or nation. the bravery, political sagacity, and knowledge of government, manifested by the negroes who now govern in st. domingo, (not to mention other well known instances,) are calculated to allay the doubts which used to prevail as to the capacity of the african. but between the indian of north america, and the african, there is a remarkable difference. the former never can be bowed to become the slave of man, to pay tribute, or to submit, by any hope of reward to live in vassalage. free, like the son of ishmael, he will die rather than yield his liberty; and he is, therefore, hunted down by the people who boast of civilisation and christianity, and who, while they value their own freedom, do not hesitate to extend their lands and property by the merciless destruction of the unoffending proprietor. but let not those who still claim the british name, nor the citizens of the united states deceive themselves in the belief that because the poor indians, whose lands they possess, and whose rivers they navigate, have no powerful voice to blazon their wrongs, and hold them up to the abhorence of mankind, they will always rest unavenged; or that the civilization, which is pompously carried on, but which is in fact a slow consuming system of extinction, will avert the retributive justice which god will assuredly render. the poor[12] indians confess that for their crimes they are now placed by the great spirit under the feet of the white men, and in the midst of their sufferings, they pathetically warn their cruel oppressors that the time may come when the lord will have pity on them, and in turn punish the europeans. truly the ways of the almighty are wonderful! the apparent prosperity of the wicked are among the most unaccountable features of the will of our creator, and would be utterly without a solution had we not the bible to guide us into a right understanding of his designs. however the deist may scoff, or the philosopher doubt, yet therein we see that, though the wrath of god may be long delayed, the punishment of iniquity will assuredly come to pass. the reaction of crime and punishment is to be seen in the history of all nations. let the european oppressors of the indian savage, as he is called, look to it in time; and while the diffusion of the true principles of christianity throughout the british empire, is followed by clemency and mercy to the african, it is to be hoped the same benevolent spirit will extend itself to the noble-minded aborigines of north america; and that instead of supplying arms, ammunition, blankets and rum, we may lead them to the arts and blessings of peace, and to the improvement of their admirable native talent.”[4]

mr. buchanan displays in this passage more of the piety of the saint, than of the wisdom of the philosopher. in our opinion, the lord has but little to do with the oppression and gradual extirpation of the indian tribes. these are the natural results of that peculiar system of policy pursued by the white people towards the aborigines of america. as the tide of white population rolls on and extends itself inwards, the native tribes must disappear before it by retiring into the inaccessible forests and waste territories of the transatlantic world. nor can they hope to successfully assert their rights until they become more highly civilized and more skillfully warlike than their oppressors. then indeed, the lord, aided by the puissant arms of thousands of indian warriors, might inflict that retributive justice on europeans, which mr. buchanan speaks of. the ample possession of the munitions of war, the diffusion of intelligence, and the union of all the indian tribes, would more effectually curb the rapacity of white christians than all the aid which the lord affords.

nor is it to be expected, that religion, as it is found in the old and new testaments, will effect the melioration of their condition. the chosen people of the lord made slaves of some of the nations they conquered; and those they did not enslave they destroyed with a cruelty as relentless as it was atrocious. what more natural than for those who believe in the same god and draw their religion from the same source, to act in the same manner? the examples of murder, pillage, bloodshed, profligacy, and abominations of all kinds to be found in the old testament, would rather tend to deteriorate the character of the indians than improve it, were the contents of that book made known to them. bad as the indians are, they have some nobility of mind among them. they do not betray the person with whom they have smoked the calumet, or pipe of peace, or the man to whom they have plighted their friendship. but in the old testament we find this done, as in the case of jael and sisera, and the action attributed to divine prompting. what good end can be answered by teaching the north american indians a religion which has ever been followed by destruction, pillage, rapacity and bloodshed, persecution for opinion, and a long catalogue of evils? and which, however good it may be in some of its precepts, is nevertheless utterly unable to restrain the avarice and cruelty of its followers.

[13]

the celebrated french essayist, montaigne, between two or three hundred years ago, wrote as follows:—

“i find that there is nothing barbarous and savage in this nation, by anything i can gather, excepting that every one gives the title of barbarity to every thing that is not in use in his own country: as indeed we have no other level of truth and reason than the example and idea of the opinions and customs of the place wherein we live. there is always the true religion; there the perfect government, and the most exact and accomplished usance of things. they (the indians) are savages at the same rate that we say fruits are wild which nature produces of herself and by her own ordinary progress; whereas, in truth, we ought rather to call those wild whose natures we have changed by our artifice and diverted from the common order.… these nations, then, seem to me to be so far barbarous, as having received but very little form and fashion from art and human invention, and consequently not much remote from their original simplicity. the laws of nature, however, govern them still, not, as yet, much vitiated with any mixture of ours; but in such purity that i am sometimes troubled we were no sooner acquainted with these people, and that they were not discovered in those better times, when there were men much more able to judge of them than we are. i am sorry that lycurgus and plato had no knowledge of them; for to my apprehension, what we now see in those natives, does not only surpass all the images with which the poets have adorned the golden age, and all their inventions in feigning a happy estate of man; but moreover the fancy and even the wish of philosophy itself. so native and so pure a simplicity, as we, by experience, see to be in them, could never enter into the imagination of the ancient philosophers, nor could they ever believe that human society could have been maintained with so little artifice. should i tell plato that it is a nation wherein there is no manner of traffic, no knowledge of letters, no science of numbers, no name of magistrate nor political superiority, no use of service, no riches or poverty, no contracts, no successions, no dividends, no proprieties, no employments but those of leisure, no respect of kindred but of common, no clothing, no agriculture, no metal, no use of corn or wine, and where so much as the very words which signify lying, treachery, dissimulation, avarice, destruction, and pardon were never heard of,—how much would he find his imaginary republic short of this perfection.”[5]

this description is too highly coloured, and is in many respects incorrect. the savages of america are not in such a blissful state as montaigne would leave the reader to infer; neither can it be said with truth that they are free from deceit, treachery, and avarice. it is true they exhibit many noble traits of character which might be copied with profit by their more civilized brethren; but these traits are generally associated with the vices peculiar to the savage state. in conducting our researches respecting them, therefore, we should carefully ascertain what amount of credibility is due to the statements of those writers who affirm their condition to be almost paradisiacal. extremes ought to be avoided in most cases, especially with regard to the american indians. some authors have represented them as the vilest of men; cruel, blood-thirsty, and rapacious, and incapable of being civilized; while others have depicted them as a noble, high-minded, virtuous race, with scarcely a single vice in their character, or evil in their physical condition. if we adopt the mean of these extremes, we shall not be far from the truth.

[14]

before we close this section of our treatise, a few remarks upon the oratory of the indians may not be deemed inappropriate or unimportant. even the thunders of demosthenes, and the eloquent harangues of the sweet-lipped and silver-tongued cicero did not produce more wonderful effects on athenian or roman audiences, than are occasionally produced by the bold and pathetic discourses of an american warrior on the minds of his hearers. governor de witt clinton, in his discourse to the new york society, speaking of the iroquois, or five nations, informs us that “their exterior relations, general interests, and national affairs were conducted and superintended by a great council, assembled annually in onondaga, the central canton, composed of the chiefs of each republic; and eighty sachems were frequently convened at this national assembly. it took cognizance of the great questions of war and peace; of the affairs of the tributary nations, and of their negociations with the french and english colonies. all their proceedings were conducted with great deliberation, and were distinguished for order, decorum, and solemnity. in eloquence, in dignity, and in all the characteristics of a profound policy, they surpassed an assembly of feudal barons, and were perhaps not far inferior to the great amphyctionic council of greece.”[6] in another place he speaks of the sublime display of intellectual power in the address of garangula, an onondaga chief, to m. delabarre, a french general, who in 1683, marched with an army against the iroquois. this rhetorical talent, however, is declared by the same authority to be peculiar to the five nations. “the most remarkable difference,” he states, “existed between the confederates and the other indian nations, with respect to eloquence. you may search in vain in the records and writings of the past, or in events of the present times, for a single model of eloquence among the algonkins, the abenaquis, the delawares, the shawanese, or any other nation of indians except the iroquois.”[7] on the other hand, the rev. mr. heckewelder, who has spent the greater portion of a long life among the lenni lenapé, or delawares, has affirmed, in his historical account of the indian nations, (of which the lenni lenapé and the iroquois form the two great divisions), that the delawares are also conspicuous for oratorical ability. he quotes a speech of captain pipe, a chief of that nation, and has made use of the following words, in commenting on it. “here we see boldness, frankness, dignity, and humanity happily blended together, and most eloquently displayed. i am much mistaken if the component parts of this discourse are not put together much according to the rules of oratory which are taught in the schools, and which were certainly unknown to this savage. the peroration is short, but truly pathetic, and i would say, sublime; and then the admirable way in which it is prepared! i wish i could convey to the reader’s mind only a small part of the impression which this speech made on me and on all present when it was delivered.”[8] the assertion of governor clinton, seems to have resulted from his knowing more of the five nations than of any other tribe of indians. the shawanese no less than the delawares, are among the list of exceptions; and yet, we find, in the book published by mr. hunter, a most splendid example of eloquence in a speech of te-cum-seh, a shawanee warrior.[9] the effect it had upon his hearers, one of whom was mr. hunter himself, was electrical; and we will quote his account of it, in order to show that the high opinion of indian[15] oratory is not derived from any one authority which might be exaggerated, or through the medium of professed translators, who might be disposed to manufacture these harangues, after a given model, into the european tongues; but that it operates upon all alike, and shines with the same character through every variety and accident of interpretation. the indian orations have been rendered by illiterate persons sent among them to conciliate their favour; by prisoners male and female, who learnt the language during their captivity; by learned missionaries; by traders, who will not perhaps be suspected of romantic enthusiasm; by dutchmen, frenchmen, englishmen, and americans; and the result, in all cases, has been very similar. the doubts, therefore, which have been, and still continue to be, entertained as to indian eloquence, are, to say the least of them, inconsiderate. the probability is, that they are injured rather than improved, by transmission into european languages. “i wish it was in my power,” says mr. hunter, speaking of te-cum-seh, “to do justice to the eloquence of this distinguished man; but it is utterly impossible. the richest colours, shaded with a master’s pencil, would fall infinitely short of the glowing finish of the original. the occasion and subject were peculiarly adapted to call into action all the powers of genuine patriotism; and such language, such gestures, such feelings, and fulness of soul contending for utterance, were exhibited by this untutored, native of the forest in the central wilds of america, as no audience, i am persuaded, either in ancient or modern times, ever before witnessed. his discourse made an impression on my mind, which i think, will last as long as i live.”[10]

the occasion on which this oration was delivered, was as follows; it appears from mr. hunter’s account, that “some of the white people among the osages were traders, and others were reputed to be runners from their great father beyond the waters, to invite the indians to take up the tomahawk against the settlers. they made many long talks, and distributed many valuable presents; but without being able to shake the resolution which the osages had formed, to preserve peace with their great father, the president. their determinations were, however, to undergo a more severe trial: te-cum-seh now made his appearance among them.

“he addressed them in long, eloquent, and pathetic strains; and an assembly more numerous than had ever been witnessed on any former occasion, listened to him with an intensely agitated, though profoundly respectful, interest and attention. in fact so great was the effect produced by te-cum-seh’s eloquence, that the chief adjourned the council shortly after he had closed his harangue, nor did they finally come to a decision on the great question in debate for several days afterwards.[11] his proposals were, however, in the end rejected.”

the oration of te-cum-seh.

“brothers,—we all belong to one family; we are all children of the great spirit; we walk in the same path; slake our thirst at the same spring; and now affairs of the greatest concern leads us to smoke the pipe around the same council fire!

“brothers,—we are friends; we must assist each other to bear our burdens. the blood of many of our fathers and brothers has run like water on the ground, to satisfy the avarice of the white men. we, ourselves, are[16] threatened with a great evil; nothing will pacify them but the destruction of all the red men.

“brothers,—when the white men first set foot on our grounds, they were hungry; they had no place on which to spread their blankets, or to kindle their fires. they were feeble; they could do nothing for themselves. our fathers commiserated their distress, and shared freely with them whatever the great spirit had given his red children. they gave them food when hungry, medicine when sick, spread skins for them to sleep on, and gave them grounds, that they might hunt and raise corn. brothers, the white men are like poisonous serpents; when chilled, they are feeble and harmless; but invigorate them with warmth, and they sting their benefactors to death.

“the white people came among us feeble; and now we have made them strong they wish to kill us, or drive us back, as they would wolves and panthers.

“brothers,—the white men are not friends to the indians; at first, they only asked for land sufficient for a wigwam, now nothing will satisfy them but the whole of our hunting grounds, from the rising to the setting sun.

“brothers,—the white men want more than our hunting grounds; they wish to kill our warriors; they would even kill our old men, women, and little ones.

“brothers,—many winters ago, there was no land; the sun did not rise and set: all was darkness. the great spirit made all things. he gave the white men a home beyond the great waters. he supplied these grounds with game, and gave them to his red children; he gave them strength and courage to defend them.

“brothers,—my people wish for peace; the red men all wish for peace; but where the white people are, there is no peace for them, except it is on the bosom of our mother.

“brothers,—the white men despise and cheat the indians; they abuse and insult them; they do not think the red men sufficiently good to live.

“the red men have borne many and great injuries; they ought to suffer them no longer. my people will not; they are determined on vengeance; they have taken up the tomahawk; they will make it fat with blood; they will drink the blood of the white people.

“brothers,—my people are brave and numerous; but the white people are too strong for them alone. i wish you to take up the tomahawk with them. if we all unite, we will cause the rivers to stain the great waters with their blood.

“brothers,—if you do not unite with us, they will first destroy us, and then you will fall an easy prey to them. they have destroyed many nations of red men because they were not friends to each other.

“brothers,—the white people send runners among us; they wish to make us enemies, that they may sweep over and desolate our hunting grounds, like devastating winds, or rushing waters.

“brothers,—our great father, over the great waters, is angry with the white people, our enemies. he will send his brave warriors against them: he will send us rifles, and whatever else we want—he is our friend, and we are his children.

“brothers,—who are the white people that we should fear them? they cannot run fast and are good marks to shoot at; they are only men; our fathers have killed many of them; we are not squaws, and we will stain the earth red with their blood.

“brothers,—the great spirit is angry with our enemies; he speaks in[17] thunder, and the earth swallows up villages, and drinks up the mississippi. the great waters will cover the lowlands; their corn cannot grow; and the great spirit will sweep those who escape to the hills from the earth with his breath.

“brothers,—we must be united, we must smoke the same pipe; we must fight each others’ battles; and more than all, we must love the great spirit; he is for us; he will destroy our enemies, and make all his red children happy.”

in jefferson’s notes on the state of virginia, we find a speech reported to have been made by logan, a mingo chief to lord dunmore when governor of the state of virginia. the circumstances under which it was made were the following:—

“in the spring of the year 1774, a robbery was committed by some indians on certain land adventurers on the river ohio. the whites in that quarter, according to their custom, undertook to punish this outrage in a summary way. captain michael cresap, and a certain daniel greathouse, leading on these parties, surprised at different times travelling and hunting parties of the indians having their women and children with them, and murdered many. among these were, unfortunately, the family of logan; a chief celebrated in peace and war, and long distinguished as the friend of the whites. this unworthy return provoked his vengeance. he accordingly signalised himself in the war which ensued. in the autumn of the same year a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the great kanhaway, between the collected forces of the shawanese, mingoes, and delawares, and a detachment of the virginia militia. the indians were defeated, and sued for peace.

“logan, however, disdained to be seen among the suppliants. but lest the sincerity of a treaty should be disturbed, from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent the following speech to be delivered to lord dunmore.

“‘i appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered logan’s cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. during the course of the last long and bloody war, logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed and said, ‘logan is the friend of the white men.’ i had even thought to have lived with you but for the injuries of one man. colonel cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked murdered all the relations of logan, not even sparing my women and children. there runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature.

“‘this called on me for revenge, i have sought it; i have killed many. i have glutted my vengeance: for my country i rejoice at the beams of peace.

“‘but do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear; logan never felt fear. he will not turn on his heel to save his life. who is there to mourn for logan? not one.’”

who can blame logan the mingo warrior for his deeds when the provocation he received is taken into consideration? “not one!”

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