further particulars respecting the cruelty of the indians, their hospitality, their sense of justice, and the mode in which the whites have acted towards them.
a great deal has been said respecting the cruelty of the north-american indians. that they are in some instances cruel, may be admitted; but this need not be wondered at, when we consider the atrocities which the whites have perpetrated upon them. “cruelty and eager desire for revenge” says buchanan, “are the chief, if not the only deformities of their nature; and these are scarcely ever manifested, except in their open hostilities, the causes of which are precisely similar to those which actuate civilized nations. then indeed their ferocity breaks out with almost demoniacal fury; their captives are generally doomed to death; but it is not until they have undergone the most exquisite tortures, the most ingenious, unutterable and protracted agony, that the final blow is given. these atrocious practices are not however peculiar to our unlettered indians. the metal boot and wedge; the thumb screw; the rack; the gradual burnings of smithfield; the religious butchery of the bloody piedmontese who rolled mother with infant down the rocks; the dismemberment by horses; luke’s iron crown; damien’s bed of steel;” and the kiss of the virgin; “sufficiently attest the claims of enlightened man to distinction in the art of torture.”[72]
governor clinton in his discourse to the new york society, says that “the five nations, notwithstanding their horrible cruelty, are in one respect, entitled to singular commendation for the exercise of humanity; those enemies they spared in battle they made free; whereas, with all other barbarous nations slavery was the commutation of death. but it becomes not us, if we value the character of our forefathers; it becomes not the civilized nations of europe who have had american possessions, to inveigh against the merciless conduct of the savage. his appetite for blood was sharpened and whetted by european instigation and his cupidity was enlisted on the side of cruelty by every temptation.”[73]
on the cruelty of the indians, and the provocation they have received from the whites, mr. heckewelder in his 44th chapter, has the following observations—
“the indians are cruel to their enemies!—in some cases they are, but perhaps not more so than white men have sometimes shown themselves. there have been instances of white men flaying or taking off the skins of indians who had fallen into their hands, then tanning those skins or cutting them up in pieces, making them up into razor-straps, and exporting them for sale, as was done at or near pittsburg sometime during the revolutionary war. those things are abominations in the eyes of the indians, who indeed, when strongly excited, inflict torments on their prisoners and put them to death by cruel tortures, but never are guilty of acts of barbarity in cold blood. neither do the delawares and some other indian nations, ever on any account disturb the ashes of the dead.
“the custom of torturing prisoners is of ancient date, and was first introduced as a trial of courage. i have been told, however, that among some tribes it has never been in use; but it must be added that those tribes give no quarter. the delawares accuse the iroquois of having been the inventors of this piece of cruelty, and charge them further with eating the flesh of[41] their prisoners after the torture was over. be this as it may, there are now but few instances of prisoners being put to death in this manner.
“rare as these barbarous executions now are, i have reason to believe that they would be still less frequent, if proper pains were taken to turn the indians away from this heathenish custom. instead of this, it is but too true that they have been excited to cruelty by unprincipled white men, who have joined in their war-feasts and even added to the barbarity of the scene. can there be a more brutal act than, after furnishing those savages, as they are called, with implements of war and destruction, to give them an ox to kill and to roast whole, to dance the war dance with them round the slaughtered animal, strike at him, stab him, telling the indians at the same time, ‘strike, stab! thus you must do to your enemy!’ then taking a piece of the meat and tearing it with their teeth, ‘so you must eat his flesh!’ and sucking up the juices, ‘thus you must drink his blood;’ and at last devour the whole as wolves do a carcass. this is what is known to have been done by some of those indian agents that i have mentioned.
“is this possible? the reader will naturally exclaim. yes! it is possible! and every indian warrior will tell you that it is true. it has come to me from so many credible sources that i am forced to believe it. how can the indians now be reproached with acts of cruelty to which they have been excited by those who pretended to be christians and civilized men, but who were worse savages than those whom, no doubt, they were ready to brand with that name.
“when hostile governments give directions to employ the indians against their enemies, they surely do not know that such is the manner in which their orders are to be executed; but let me tell them and every other government who will descend to employ these auxiliaries, that is the only way in which their subaltern agents will and can proceed to make their aid effectual. the indians are not fond of interfering in quarrels not their own, and will not fight with spirit for the mere sake of a livelihood which they can obtain in a more agreeable manner by hunting and their other ordinary occupations. their passions must be excited; and that is not easily done when they themselves have not received any injury from those against whom they are desired to fight. behold then, the abominable course which must unavoidably be resorted to—to induce them to do what?—to lay waste the dwelling of the peaceable cultivator of the land, and to murder his innocent wife and helpless children! i cannot pursue this subject farther, although i am far from having exhausted it. i have said enough to enable the impartial reader to decide which of the two classes of men, the indians or the whites, are the most justly entitled to the epithets of brutes, barbarians, and savages. it is not for me to anticipate his decision.”
the cruelty of the indians need not be wondered at, when the provocations they have received are taken into account. the white settlers usually treat them as inferiors, as lawful prey, as beings only fit to be trampled on and oppressed. of the truth of this statement, the following extracts will afford abundant proof. we quote them from buchanan’s sketches of the manners and customs of the north-american indians; heckewelder’s historical account, and the report on the condition of the indians of upper-canada, published recently by the aborigines protection society. these extracts, it will be seen, contain a narration of events, more creditable to the character of the indians, than to the character of their white oppressors.
[42]
mr. buchanan says: “in passing down the st. lawrence in the summer of 1819, i stopped my batteaux at a tavern, where i proposed to remain all night. two squaws were there with a basket of wild strawberries for sale, and i directed the mistress of the tavern to purchase some, that i might have them with cream for my supper. it was soon, however, to be perceived by the conversation in bargaining, that my landlady and the indian women could not come to terms. there seemed to be much harshness in the manner of the former; but the replies of the latter were so meek, and their demeanour so submissive, that had i been making the bargain under the impression of my feelings, few words would have been necessary. the christian purchaser, however, continued so extortionate in her demands, that the poor disappointed heathens turned away from her. truly unreasonable indeed must the lady have been; for there was neither village, nor other house near likely to afford a market for the poor indian hawkers, who it seemed had come to this very tavern with the hope of selling their fruit. under this impression i followed the poor women, put a small sum into the hands of one of them, and hastily passed on, while they gazed at me with astonishment at so unexpected a largess, for so it appeared to them. on my return from a walk along the river, i was surprised to see the two squaws standing at the corner of the house patiently waiting for me; when, eyes sparkling with emotions which i could not misunderstand, but which i am incapable of portraying, they presented me with a bowl top-full of picked strawberries, which i rejected at first, being desirous of convincing them there were some, if not many, white men who felt kindly towards them. but their expression of entreaty was so vehement, their importunity so great, that i felt it necessary to their happiness to accept their present; for they had no other way of showing their gratitude. this humble offering furnished my supper, and sweet indeed would my meal have been, had not commiseration for the wrongs of these sorely abused, persecuted, forlorn, abandoned people, mingled with my enjoyment. i am so fully impressed with their undeserved misery, and with the nobleness of their character, that i should esteem the devotion of my life in their cause the most honourable way in which it could be employed; but alas, years and circumstances prevent my doing more than making this feeble effort to rouse the energies of youthful talent in their behalf; and as benevolence pervades the youthful mind more powerfully than that of the aged, i am not without a hope that thousands will yet start up to advocate the cause of the red indians, and prosecute measures for the amelioration of their state.
“the above instance of want of charity, nay, of common decency on the part of white people in their intercourse with the indians, is not by any means of rare occurrence. my reader will already have seen the complaints and pathetic appeals of justice which the poor children of the wilderness are so frequently compelled, by the treachery of their civilized neighbours, to make; and i am sorry to add another specimen to the long list of these atrocious outrages, which, in large and petty aggressions, is daily swelling and becoming more and more enormous. in passing, on the very day i have just adverted to through the thousand islands, one of the boatmen who were rowing me, hallooed to a canoe in which some indians were fishing, who immediately came towards us, and a barter commenced between them and the boatmen. the boatmen held up a piece of cold pork and a loaf, for which they were to receive fish. the poor young indians, (for the eldest was not above fourteen,[43] and there were two little girls younger) showed what fish they would give; yet warily kept at a distance, fearing what, in spite of their precaution, actually took place. the boatmen struck suddenly at the canoe with their oars, and in the confusion which this attack caused, grasped the fish; the bread and the pork they at first offered were, i need hardly say, withheld. having achieved this noble enterprise they shouted and assailed the unresisting and defenceless children (who paddled off evidently fearful of further outrage,) with taunts and mockery. these men were canadians; there were four of them; and i had no other means of punishing them on this occasion than by withholding the usual pecuniary fee. i was in some measure at their mercy; but though compelled to be a calm spectator of so dastardly a theft, i confess i was still more incensed at seeing how heartily some inhabitants of canada, who were my fellow passengers, seemed to enjoy the joke. the fact is, the indians are esteemed lawful prey. such is the feeling of thousands of men called christians, who boast of civilization, but who derive their subsistence by intercourse with the indians; and however just many in the united states are, and however careful the british government is to guard the rights of the red men, yet as this guardianship is chiefly committed to those who are partakers in the spoils of the indians, the care, instead of being wise and benign, is rather to debauch their untutored mind by the introduction of spirits among them. every cup to them is indeed ‘unblessed, and the ingredient is a devil!’ gradually, therefore, are they diminishing, and receding from the haunts of what we term civilization! that this charge does not apply to all, and rarely to the heads of these departments, i rejoice to admit; but still those heads of departments are responsible for all the acts of their subordinate agents, and should exercise a vigilant superintendence, impartially punishing any, the least, infringement of their regulations. no man should be connected with the indian department who is directly or indirectly interested in trade with the indians.”
the following facts derived from heckewelder’s historical account speak volumes. eternal god can white men be so cruel! can the professors of religion be so depraved!!
“in the summer of the year 1763, some friendly indians from a distant place, came to bethlehem to dispose of their peltry for manufactured goods and necessary implements of husbandry. returning home well satisfied, they put up the first night at a tavern, eight miles distant.[74] the landlord not being at home, his wife took the liberty of encouraging the people who frequented her house for the sake of drinking, to abuse the indians, adding, that she would freely give a gallon of rum to any one of them that should kill one of the black devils. other white people from the neighbourhood came in during the night, who also drank freely, made a great deal of noise, and increased the fear of the poor indians who, for the greatest part, understanding english, could not but suspect that something bad was intended against their persons. they were not, however, otherwise disturbed; but in the morning, when after a restless night they were preparing to set off, they found themselves robbed of some of the most valuable articles they had purchased, and on mentioning this to a man who appeared to be the bar-keeper, they were ordered to leave the house. not being willing to lose so[44] much property, they retired to some distance into the woods, where, some of them remaining with what was left them, the others returned to bethlehem and lodged their complaint with a justice of the peace. the magistrate gave them a letter to the landlord pressing him without delay to restore to the indians the goods that had been taken from them. but behold! when they delivered that letter to the people at the inn they were told in answer, ‘that if they set any value on their lives, they must make off with themselves immediately.’ they well understood that they had no other alternative, and prudently departed without having received back any of their goods. arrived at nescopeck on the susquehannah, they fell in with some other delawares, who had been treated much in the same manner, one of them having had his rifle stolen from him. here the two parties agreed to take revenge in their own way, for those insults and robberies for which they could obtain no redress; and that they determined to do as soon as war should be again declared by their nation against the english.
“scarcely had these indians retired, when in another place, about fourteen miles distant from the former, one man, two women and a child, all quiet indians, were murdered in a most wicked and barbarous manner, by drunken militia officers and their men, for the purpose of getting their horses and the goods they had just purchased.[75] one of the women, falling on her knees, begged in vain for the life of herself and her child, while the other woman seeing what was doing, made her escape to the barn, where she endeavoured to hide herself on the top of the grain. she however was discovered, and inhumanly thrown down on the thrashing floor with such force that her brains flew out.
“here, then, were insults, robberies and murders, all committed within the short space of three months, unatoned for and unrevenged. there was no prospect of obtaining redress; the survivors were therefore obliged to seek some other means to obtain revenge. they did so; the indians, already exasperated against the english in consequence of repeated outrages, and considering the nation as responsible for the injuries which it did neither prevent nor punish, and for which it did not even offer to make any kind of reparation, at last declared war; and then the injured parties were at liberty to redress themselves for the wrongs they had suffered. they immediately started against the objects of their hatred, and finding their way unseen and undiscovered to the inn which had been the scene of the first outrage, they attacked it at day-break, fired into it on the people within who were lying on their beds. strange to relate! the murderers of the man, two women, and child, were among them. they were mortally wounded, and died of their wounds shortly afterwards. the indians, after leaving this house, murdered by accident an innocent family, having mistaken the house that they meant to attack, after which they returned to their homes.
“now a violent hue and cry was raised against the indians; no language was too bad, no crimes too black to brand them with. no faith was to be placed in those savages; treaties with them were of no effect; they ought to be cut off from the face of the earth! such was the language in everybody’s mouth; the newspapers were filled with accounts of the cruelties of the indians; a variety of false reports were circulated in order to rouse the people against them; while they, the really injured party, having no printing presses among them, could not make known the story of their grievances.
[45]
“‘no faith can be placed in what the indians promise at treaties; for scarcely is a treaty concluded than they are murdering us.’ such is our complaint against these unfortunate people; but they will tell you that it is the white men in whom no faith is to be placed. they will tell you that there is not a single instance in which the whites have not violated the engagements that they have made at treaties. they say that when they had ceded lands to the white people, and boundary lines had been established, ‘firmly established,’ beyond which no whites were to settle; scarcely was the treaty signed when white intruders again were settling and hunting on their lands! it is true that when they preferred their complaints to the government, the government gave them many fair promises, and assured them that men would be sent to remove the intruders by force from the usurped lands. the men, indeed, came, but with chain and compass in their hands, taking surveys of the tracts of good land, which the intruders, from their knowledge of the country, had pointed out to them!
“what was then to be done, when those intruders would not go off from the land, but, on the contrary increased in numbers! ‘oh!’ said these people, (and i have myself frequently heard this language in the western country,) ‘a new treaty will soon give us all this land; nothing is now wanting but a pretence to pick a quarrel with them!’ well, but in what manner is this quarrel to be brought about? a david owen, a walker, and many others, might, if they were alive, easily answer this question. a precedent however, may be found, on perusing mr. jefferson’s appendix to his notes on virginia. on all occasions, when the object is to murder indians, strong liquor is the main article required; for when you have them dead drunk, you may do to them as you please, without running the risk of losing your life. and should you find that the laws of your country may reach you where you are, you have only to escape or conceal yourself for a while until the storm has blown over! i well recollect the time when thieves and murderers of indians fled from impending punishment across the susquehannah, where they considered themselves safe; on which account this river had the name given to it of ‘the rogues’ river.’ i have heard other rivers called by similar names.
“in the year 1742, the rev. mr. whitefield offered the nazareth manor, (as it was then called) for sale to the united brethren. he had already begun to build upon it a spacious stone house, intended as a school-house for the education of indian children. the indians, in the meanwhile, loudly exclaimed against the white people for settling in this part of the country, which had not been legally purchased of them, but, as they said, had been obtained by fraud.[76] the brethren declined purchasing any lands on which the indian title had not been properly extinguished, wishing to live in peace with all the indians around them. count zinzendorff happened at that time to arrive in the country; he found that the agents of the proprietors would not pay to the indians the price which they asked for that tract of land; he paid them out of his private purse, the whole of the demand which they made in the height of their ill temper; and moreover, gave them permission to abide on the land, at their village, (where, by the by, they had a fine large peach orchard,) as long as they should think proper. but among those white men, who afterwards came and settled in the neighbourhood of their tract, there were some who were enemies to the indians;[46] and a young irishman, without any cause or provocation, murdered their good and highly respected chief, tademi, a man of such an easy and friendly address, that he could not but be loved by all who knew him. this, together with the threats of other persons ill disposed towards them, was the cause of their leaving the settlement on this manor, and removing to places of greater safety.
“it is true, that when flagrant cases of this description occurred, the government, before the revolution, issued proclamations offering rewards for apprehending the offenders; and in later times, since the country has become more thickly settled, those who had been guilty of such offences, were brought before the tribunals to take their trials. but these formalities have proved of little avail. in the first case, the criminals were seldom, if ever, apprehended; in the second, no jury could be found to convict them; for it was no uncommon saying among many of the men of whom juries in the frontier counties were commonly composed, that no man should be put to death for killing an indian; for it was the same thing as killing a wild beast!
“in the course of the revolutionary war, in which (as in all civil commotions) brother was seen fighting against brother, and friend against friend; a party of indian warriors, with whom one of those white men, who under colour of attachment to their king, indulged in every sort of crimes, was giving out against the settlers on the ohio, to kill and destroy as they had been ordered. the chief of the expedition had given strict orders not to molest any of the white men who lived with their friends the christian indians; yet as they passed near a settlement of these converts, the white man, unmindful of the orders he had received, attempted to shoot two of the missionaries who were planting potatoes in their field, and though the captain warned him to desist, he still obstinately persisted in his attempt. the chief, in anger, immediately took his gun from him, and kept him under guard until they had reached a considerable distance from the place. i have received this account from the chief himself, who on his return sent word to the missionaries that they would do well not to go far from home as they were in too great danger from the white people.
“another white man of the same description, whom i well knew, related, with a kind of barbarous exultation, on his return to detroit from a war excursion with the indians, in which he had been engaged, that the party with which he was, having taken a woman prisoner who had a sucking babe at her breast, he tried to persuade the indians to kill the child, lest its cries should discover the place where they were; the indians were unwilling to commit the deed, on which the white man at once jumped up, tore the child from its mother’s arms, and taking it by the legs dashed its head against the tree, so that the brains flew out all around! the monster in relating this story said: ‘the little dog all the time was making wee!’ he added, that if he were sure that his old father, who some time before had died in old virginia, would, if he had lived longer, have turned rebel, he would go all the way into virginia, raise the body, and take off his scalp!
“let us now contrast with this the conduct of the indians. carver tells us in his travels with what moderation, humanity, and delicacy they treat female prisoners, and particularly pregnant women.[77] i refer the reader to the following fact, as an instance of their conduct in such cases. if his admiration is excited by the behaviour of the indians, i doubt not that his[47] indignation will be raised in an equal degree by that of a white man who unfortunately acts a part in the story.
“a party of delawares, in one of their excursions, during the revolutionary war, took a white female prisoner. the indian chief, after a march of several days, observed that she was ailing, and was soon convinced (for she was far advanced in her pregnancy) that the time of her delivery was near. he immediately made a halt on the banks of a stream, where, at a proper distance from the encampment, he built for her a close hut of peeled barks, gathered dry grass and fern to make her a bed, and placed a blanket at the opening of the dwelling as a substitute for a door. he then kindled a fire, placed a pile of wood near it to feed it occasionally, and placed a kettle of water at hand where she might easily use it. he then took her into her little infirmary, gave her indian medicines, with directions how to use them, and told her to rest easy, and she might be sure that nothing should disturb her. having done this, he returned to his men, forbade them from making any noise, or disturbing the sick woman in any manner, and told them that he himself should guard her during the night. he did so; and the whole night kept watch before her door, walking backward and forward, to be ready at her call at any moment, in case of extreme necessity. the night passed quietly; but in the morning, as he was walking by on the bank of the stream, seeing him through the crevices she called to him and presented her babe. the good chief, with tears in his eyes, rejoiced at her safe delivery; he told her not to be uneasy, that he should lay by for a few days, and would soon bring her some nourishing food, and some medicines to take. then going to his encampment he ordered all his men to go out a hunting, and remained himself to guard the camp.”
after citing this account a modern writer observes: “forgive me, reader, if, for a moment, i disturb the order of my extract. there is nothing that i know within the whole scope of anecdotal history more affecting than the present narration. how exalted was the humanity of this indian chief! how refined his delicacy! how watchful and tender his care! the pathos, though deep, is sweet; and mr. heckewelder has communicated the story in a style of feeling and simplicity worthy of it. he has made us witnesses of the transaction. we see through the darkness of the night, the swarthy warrior walking anxiously backward and forward before the hut of bark—the ‘little infirmary’ of the labouring woman. the morning comes; and in the pale dawn, behold! the poor creature, pointing, in a state of utter exhaustion to her babe, delivered in the wilderness—in night and solitude! yet was she not entirely without support; for, over and above the secret aid which came to her pangs from high, see! she meets with sympathy in a wild man, a stranger, a warrior, who melts into tears at the sight! my heart, too, swells as i read. bear with me——we will resume our extract.”
“now for the reverse of the picture. among the men whom this chief had under his command, was one of those white vagabonds whom i have before described. the captain was much afraid of him, knowing him to be a bad man; and as he had expressed a great desire to go a hunting with the rest, he believed him gone, and entertained no fears for the woman’s safety. but it was not long before he was undeceived. while he was gone to a small distance to dig roots for his poor patient, he heard her cries, and running with speed to her hut, he was informed by her that the white man had threatened to take away her life if she did not immediately throw her child into the river. the captain, enraged at the cruelty of this man, and the liberty he had taken with his prisoners, hailed him as he was running off,[48] and told him, ‘that the moment he should miss the child, the tomahawk should be in his head.’ after a few days this humane chief placed the woman carefully on a horse, and they went together to the place of their destination, the mother and the child doing well. i have heard him relate this story, to which he added, that whenever he should go on an excursion, he never would suffer a white man to be of his party.
“yet i must acknowledge that i have known an indian chief who had been guilty of the crime of killing the child of a female prisoner. his name was glikhican. in the year 1770, he joined the congregation of the christian indians; the details of his conversion are related at large by loskiel, in his ‘history of the missions’.[78] before that time he had been conspicuous as a warrior and a counsellor, and in oratory it is said he never was surpassed. this man having joined the french in the year 1754 or 1755, in their war against the english, and being at that time out with a party of frenchmen, took, among other prisoners, a young woman, named rachel abbott, from the conegocheague settlement, who had at her breast a sucking babe. the incessant cries of the child, the hurry to get off, but above all, the persuasions of his white companions, induced him much against his inclination to kill the innocent creature; while the mother in an agony of grief, and her face suffused with tears, begged that its life might be spared. the woman, however, was brought safe to the ohio, where she was kindly treated and adopted, and some years afterwards was married to a delaware chief of respectability, by whom she had several children, who are now living with the christian indians in upper canada.
“glikhican never forgave himself for having committed this crime, although many times, and long before his becoming a christian, he had begged the woman’s pardon with tears in his eyes, and received her free and full forgiveness. in vain she pointed out to him all the circumstances that he could have all edged to excuse the deed; in vain she reminded him of his unwillingness at the time, and his having been in a manner compelled to do it by his french associates; nothing that she did say could assuage his sorrow or quiet the perturbation of his mind; he called himself a wretch, a monster, a coward, (the proud feelings of an indian must be well understood to judge of the force of this self-accusation,) and to the moment of his death the remembrance of this fatal act preyed like a canker worm upon his spirits. i ought to add, that from the time of his conversion he lived the life of a christian, and died as such.”
in the “report on the condition of the indians of upper canada,” published by the aborigines protection society, we find the following statements respecting the attempts which have been made to civilize them:—
“it is an important additional fact in regard to the light in which the indians of north america were once looked upon, that their rights are stipulated for in the treaty of utrecht. but on the other hand, modern writers on the laws of nations seem inclined to exclude them from its benefits. and modern statesmen carry this theory further, so as to sacrifice them by positive injustice in practice. sir francis bond head recommended the discontinuance of payment due by treaty to certain tribes, on the ground of those tribes being at war with our present allies, the people of the united states; a matter undoubtedly deserving grave consideration, in reference to the point especially raised, namely, the supply of arms; but which also involves a question of international rights, on this occasion much too summarily[49] disposed of by the canadian governor. lord glenelg hesitated to adopt his recommendation, but his lordship does not seem to have taken entirely a just view of the case.[79]
“it is strictly within the limits of truth to say, that neither the home government, nor the colonial authorities have acted up to the injunctions of those two documents of 1670, and 1763, which are unquestionably binding to this day; and the extent to which these injunctions have been neglected, fully accounts to us for the ruin of the indians. that extent is proved,
“first,—by the unjust and improvident manner in which the land of the indians has been dealt with by us, their insecurity of title, and their actual removal from it in late remarkable cases under an oppressive and fraudulent treaty, and by unjust contracts.
“second,—by the neglect of obvious means of securing justice to indians in courts of law, in their participation of civil rights; and in just regulations of trading with them. and
“third,—by the small provision of direct means of improving the indians, in missions, in schools, and other institutions.
“unquestionably the various benefits contemplated by the royal instructions of 1670, have not been conferred: and the frauds and abuses mentioned in the proclamation of 1760, have been repeated down to a very late period by the government itself, instead of being repressed.
“we shall prove the unworthiness of this course of neglect and injustice, by producing incontrovertible evidence of the capacity of the indians to become civilized, and of their desire to accept the elements of civilization at our hands, as well to be gradually incorporated with the colonists.
“we shall also show, that numerous colonists are anxious to promote the civilization of the indians.”
the undue acquisition of the indians’ land, and encroachments upon it, are not new; and the personal appeals of their delegates to the crown, have been frequent. more than thirty years ago such a delegate, john norton, had the countenance of the late mr. wilberforce.[80] in 1822, the younger brant, and colonel kerr, came to london on such a mission for the six nations. subsequently, the rev. peter jones has come over more than once for the mississaguas, of the river credit, on the like errand. and the visit of heshtona-quet, has shewn the indians of the river st. clair to be in the same danger.
other examples might be cited, and it is believed that none have produced proper results. the case however of the river credit indians, has some favourable aspects; and it will be mentioned fully.
but these visits have exhibited indians to the impartial english public most favourably; and they in that respect, as well as in some others to be mentioned hereafter, deserve particular attention.
we pass by the earlier cases of alienation of land from the indians of upper canada, amounting for example in the years 1818, 1819, and 1820, to 4,680,000 acres acquired by the government for annuities of ￡512.[81]
the sum due annually to these indians from the crown for lands acquired from them; was stated in the “parliamentary papers” of 1834, at ￡5106 currency, or ￡4426 sterling.[82]
[50]
those earlier cases, appear to be more remarkable for general neglect of a proper system of treatment of the indians, than for any extreme oppression and injustice in the bargains made. they did not involve the removal of the indians from the unimproved land sold, and still less the alienation of their improvements and forms. on the contrary, in the year 1823, a general reform of the old system was very seriously contemplated by the secretary of state of that time, earl bathurst. one of the sub-committee was in fact employed by the secretary of state in 1823, to draw up a general plan for that reform, which had the approbation of the late bishop of quebec, the honourable dr. stuart. but it was not acted upon.
before 1828, however, a reform was begun by the government, in addition to what had been long doing usefully by the moravians, the new england company, and other societies. it was pursued during eight or nine years with great success, although the plan was defective in several material points.
the character of what was accomplished may be inferred from the following extracts from the parliamentary papers of 1834, no. 617.
in 1828, general darling reported to earl dalhousie as follows on the subject:—
the mississaquas of rice lake, consisting of 317 souls, and the mohawks of bay of quinti, and the rice lake have recently been converted to christianity by the methodist society, who have introduced missionaries among the indians here, and in every part of upper canada, where they have been able to obtain a footing. these missionaries come chiefly from the united states, and belong to the “canada conference missionary society,” auxiliary to the “missionary society of the methodist episcopal church of the state of new york,” from which they receive a small salary, seldom exceeding ￡40 a year. it is undoubted that they have done some good, by influencing the indians to embrace christianity, and have inculcated the first principles of civilization, particularly in the tribes now under consideration, which shows itself in the desire which they have expressed to be collected in a village, and have lands allotted them for cultivation.
the mohawks of the bay of quinti were separated from the mohawk nation about the year 1784, and settled in the bay of quinti; amongst these are some becoming tolerable farmers. they have in many instances assumed the dress of the european, which is sometimes mixed with their native attire, presenting a curious compound of barbarism and civilization.
chippawas under the chief yellow head.—these indians amount, upon an average, to 550 souls; they occupy the lands about lake simcoe, holland river, and the unsettled county in the rear of york. they have expressed a strong desire to be admitted to christianity, and to adopt the habits of civilized life; in these respects they may be classed with the mississaquas of the bay of quinti, and rice lake, but are at present in a more savage state.
mississaquas of the credit.—the present state of this tribe, amounting to 180 souls, who were lately notorious for drunkenness and debauchery, affords, in my humble opinion, the strongest encouragement to extend to the other tribes now disposed to christianity and civilization, the experiment that has been tried by his excellency sir peregrine maitland, with every promise of success with these mississaquas.
they are now settled in a delightful spot on the banks of the credit, about sixteen miles from york, in a village consisting of twenty substantial log huts, eighteen feet by twenty-four, having an upper story or garret to[51] each. they have a school-house for the boys (in which is combined decent arrangement for the performance of divine service, which is regularly attended,) and another for the girls.
the progress made in the former is highly creditable to the superintendent, considering the short time it has been established. i found it attended by thirty-one boys, mostly very young, who spelt and read fluently in english; they also answered several questions which i put to them promiscuously from the church catechism, and sung a hymn, remarkable for the loyalty of its sentiments. finding the houses built for them too few for their numbers, they have added some of their own construction similar to those first erected.
they have two enclosures of about seven acres of wheat, and a field on the banks of the river, containing about thirty-five acres of indian corn, in a promising state of cultivation. a small plot is attached to each house for their potatoes or other garden stuff.
the expense of these buildings has not exceeded, i believe, ￡14 currency each, say ￡250 sterling on the whole. a respectable englishman, now a methodist missionary, who receives a pension from the british government for the loss of an arm in the late war, when he served in the provincial marine of upper canada, resides amongst these indians, and as his feelings towards great britain have been well tried, there is every reason to hope that his exertions for the perfect civilization of his flock will be crowned with success.
mohawks and the six nations.—under 2000 souls are settled on the banks of the ouse, or grand river, a fine and fertile tract of country, which was purchased from the chippawas (the aborigines) exclusively from them when they were brought to this country from the mohawk river, in the state of new york, at the termination of the revolutionary american war.
the proclamation of sir f. haldimand, which constitutes, i believe, their only title, allots them “six miles deep from each side of the river, beginning at lake erie, and extending in that proportion to the head of the river.”
they are now considered as having retained about 260,000 acres of land, mostly of the best quality. their possessions were formerly more extensive, but large tracts of land have been sold by them, with the permission of his majesty’s government; the monies arising from which sales were either founded in england, or lent on interest in this country. the proceeds amount to about ￡1500 per annum.
the principal village, or mohawk castle, as it is called, consists now of half a dozen miserable huts, scattered without any order, and a paltry church.
the town was formerly more respectable; but the increasing scarcity of fuel in its neighbourhood, and the fine quality of the soil, induced them by degrees to separate and settle on the bank of the river, where they cultivate the ground in companies or bands, a certain number of families divided amongst them the produce of certain numbers of acres. their knowledge of farming is exceedingly limited, being chiefly confined to the cultivation of indian corn, beans and potatoes; but those of more industrious habits follow the example of their white neighbours, and have separate farms, on which they raise most kind of english grain.
were i to offer to your lordship all the observations which appear to me worthy of attention respecting these ancient allies of his majesty, this report would assume the character of a history and far exceed the expected limits.[52] i hasten, therefore, to submit a statement, which has been compiled with great attention, showing their present possessions in houses, horses, cattle, &c.; viz.
dwelling-houses 416
computed number of acres of land in cultivation 6872
horses 738
cows 869
oxen 613
sheep 192
swine 1630
i have already adverted to the introduction of methodist missionaries and teachers amongst the indians of upper canada, several of whom are found in this neighbourhood.
there is also an english protestant missionary, lately sent out from london by the new england corporation, a young man whose zeal and devotion to the cause in which he has embarked promise the best results, the indians giving in all cases the preference to whatever is given or recommended by their great father, to whatever comes from any other quarter. in earnest of their disposition to profit by and assist the labours of this minister, they have readily agreed, on my recommendation, to allot one hundred acres of land to each school that may be established on the grand river, under his direction.
i submit, with all deference, whether it is not worthy the liberality of the british government to encourage the disposition now shown generally amongst the resident indians of the province, to shake off the rude habits of savage life, and to embrace christianity and civilization.
it appears to me that this would not be attended with much expence. a small sum, by way of salary, to a schoolmaster wherever a school may be formed, say four or five in the whole, a trifling addition to the salary of the present missionary, who is paid by a society, and of a second if appointed, which i believe is contemplated by the lord bishop of the diocese; and some aid in building school houses.
there are chippawas who have prayed urgently for a missionary and schoolmaster to be sent amongst them.
