the willoughby-chancellor voyage was planned with much thoroughness, specifically for the expansion of trade. it was the outcome of the deliberations of “certaine grave citizens of london and men of great wisdome and carefull for the good of their countrey” seeking means to revive commercial affairs which had fallen into a dismal state. english commodities had come to be in small request by neighbouring peoples. “merchandises” (as the term was) which foreigners in former times eagerly sought were now neglected and their prices lowered, although the goods were carried by the english traders to the foreign ports; while all foreign products were “in great account and their prices wonderfully raised.” meanwhile english merchants had seen the wealth of spaniards and portuguese marvellously increase through the repeated discoveries of new countries and new trades for their nations. so these grave and wise citizens came at last to realize the imperative need of a similar course for england if she were to keep pace with her rivals: practically to adopt the policy which 105robert thorne had so sagely pressed a quarter of a century before.
having resolved upon a “new and strange navigation” they first of all brought sebastian cabot into their councils, and forming a company chose him their head. “after much speech and conference together” it was decided that three ships should be prepared for discovery in the northern parts of the world to open the way for englishmen to unknown kingdoms northeastward. the three ships were duly obtained, for the most part newly built craft of “very strong and well-seasoned planks.” one at least of them was made especially staunch by “an excellent and ingenious invention,” described as “the covering of a piece of keel with thin sheets of lead.” this is supposed to have been the first instance in england of the practice of sheathing. it had, however, been adopted in spain nearly forty years before. the ships were well furnished with armours and artillery, and were victualled with supplies for eighteen months. they were severally: the “bona esperanza,” of one hundred and twenty tons, designated admiral (flag-ship) of the fleet, the “edward bonaventure,” one hundred and sixty tons, and the “bona confidentia,” ninety tons. each was provided with a pinnace and a boat.
after securing the ships the next care was the selection of captains for the expedition. many men of standing offered themselves for the headship. among these most urgent for the appointment was sir hugh willoughby, “a most valiant gentleman and well born.” 106sir hugh was chosen on account of his “goodly personage”—he appears to have been an exceptionally tall man—and for his “singular skill in the service of warre.” he had served under the earl of hertford, afterward the duke of somerset, in the expedition of 1544 against scotland, and had received the honour of knighthood at leith; and during the invasions of 1547–1549 he held a commission on the border, and was sometime captain of lowther castle. afterward his “thoughts turned to the sea” through his association with naval men and his friendship with sebastian cabot. the title given him was captain-general of the fleet. for second in command, also drawn from several candidates, richard chancellor was elected and named pilot-general. he was given the charge of the “edward bonaventure” as captain. chancellor had been bred up in the household of henry sidney, the father of sir philip sidney. he was strongly endorsed as a man of “great estimation for many good partes of wit in him.” in the prime of life, he had the advantage of an excellent reputation for knowledge of the sea with a genius for adventure. as masters of the several ships, william gefferson was appointed for the “bona esperanza,” stephen borough (afterward chief pilot of england) for the “edward bonaventure,” and cornelius durfoorth for the “bona confidentia.” the captain-general, the pilot-general, the three ships’ masters, the minister—master richard stafford—two of the merchants and one of the “gentlemen” joining the expedition, and the three masters’ mates, 107were designated a board of twelve counsellors for the voyage.
an elaborate book of orders and instructions for the conduct of the fleet was compiled by cabot; while the king provided a letter, written in latin, greek, and other languages, designed for presentation to any potentate whom the voyagers might come across in journeying “toward the mighty empire of cathay,” but most liberally addressed “to all kings, princes, rulers, judges, and governours of the earth, and all others having any excellent dignity on the same in all places under the universall heaven.”
hakluyt gives the text of both of these documents. cabot’s book comprised thirty-three items, as a whole well illustrating his ripe judgment and good seamanship. particularly wise were his instructions as to the attitude of the voyagers toward new peoples whom they might discover. “every nation and region is to be considered advisedly.” the natives were not to be provoked by “any disdaine, laughing, contempt, or such like,” but were to be used with “prudent circumspection, with all gentlenes and courtesie.” “for as much,” he shrewdly observed, “as our people and shippes may appear unto them strange and wondrous, and their’s also to ours: it is to be considered how they may be used, learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person [native] as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord of your ships, and there to learn as you may, without violence or force.” the native so taken to be “well entertained, 108used and apparelled; to be set on the land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shew the commodities.” but the succeeding instruction was vicious, though in accord with the brutality of the age: “and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shall know the secrets of his heart.”
the king’s letter-missive defined the voyage to be purely a commercial affair. it was an expedition by sea “into farre countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may be opened to bring in and cary out merchandises.” it was to seek in the countries that might be found heretofore unknown “as well such things as we lacke, as also to cary unto them from our regions such things as they lacke.” so “not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and to us, but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene us both.” free passage was asked for the voyagers through their dominions, with the assurance that nothing of theirs should be touched by the visitors unwillingly to them; and the same hospitality that they would expect their subjects to receive should they at any time pass by the regions of the english king.
the fleet started from ratcliffe at the time appointed for the departure, the tenth of may (according to willoughby’s journal, other accounts say the twentieth) and dropped down the thames by easy stages. on the “esperanza” with sir hugh were the larger number of merchants. the minister was on the 109“edward bonaventure”; and among the seamen of the latter was william borough, the younger brother of the ship’s master, a lusty youth of sixteen, who afterward became comptroller of the queen’s navy. the spectacle of the passage by greenwich, where the court was then seated at the ancient royal palace, is vividly portrayed by the historian of chancellor’s exploits on this voyage, clement adams, the schoolmaster:
“the greater shippes are towed downe with boates, and oares, and the mariners being all apparelled in watchet, or skie coloured cloth, rowed amaine and made way with diligence. and being come neere greenewich (where the court then lay) presently upon the newes thereof the courtiers came running out, and the common people flockt together standing very thicke upon the shoare: the privie counsel, they lookt out at the windowes of the court, and the rest ranne up to the toppes of the towers: the shippes hereupon discharge their ordinance, and shoot off their pieces after the maner of warre, and of the sea, insomuch that the tops of the hilles sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gave an echo, and the mariners, they shouted in such sort that the skie rang again with the noyse thereof. one stoode in the poope of the ship, and by his jesture bids farewell to his friends in the best maner he could. another walks upon the hatches, another climbes the shrowdes, another stands upon the maine yarde, and another in the top of the shippe.”
the boy king heard the parting salute but he did 110not see the show, for he lay in his chamber gravely ill of consumption. and a fortnight after the ships had taken the sea, he died.
the fleet tarried some time off harwich and did not finally get away till the twenty-third of june. by the middle of july heligoland, in the north sea, was reached and visited. next, r?st island, where another short stay was made. next, on the twenty-seventh of july, anchors were dropped at one of the lofoden islands, and there the voyagers remained for three days, finding the isle “plentifully inhabited” by “very gentle people.” next they coasted along these islands north-northwest till the second of august, when they attempted to make another harbour, having arranged with a native, who came out to them in a skiff for a pilot to conduct them to “wardhouse” (vardohuus), an island haven off finmark, with a “castle,” then a rendezvous of northern mariners. but violent whirlwinds prevented their entrance and they were constrained to take to the sea again. thereupon the captain-general ran up the admiral’s flag signalling a conference of the chief officers of the fleet on board his ship. it was then agreed that in the event of a separation of the ships by a tempest or other mishap each should at once make for “wardhouse,” and the first arriving in safety should there await the coming of the rest.
that very day the dreaded separation occurred. late in the afternoon a tempest suddenly arose which so lashed the sea that the ships were tossed hither and 111thither from their intended course. above the storm on the “edward bonaventure” was heard the loud voice of sir hugh calling to captain chancellor to keep by the admiral. but the “esperanza,” bearing all sails, sped onward with such swiftness that despite all of chancellor’s efforts to follow, she was soon out of his sight. that was the last seen of her or of sir hugh and his companions. nor was the “confidentia” again seen by the men of the “bonaventure.” both ships and their companies had passed forever from their sight; and the miserable fate of their mates was not known when they had completed their voyage and returned to england.
the story was finally told in willoughby’s journal, which was found a year or more afterward with the ships and the frozen bodies of the luckless sir hugh and his companions, seventy in all, at lapland. hakluyt gives it under this caption:
“the voyage of sir hugh willoughbie knight, wherein he unfortunately perished at arzina reca in lapland, anno 1553.” it is entitled: “the true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships, to wit, the speranza, which wintred in lappia where sir willoughbie and all his companie died, being frozen to death anno 1553.”
this journal comprised a record of the expedition from the start to willoughby’s occupation of the lapland haven. it opened with a statement of the object of the voyage and its institution by cabot and the london merchant adventurers; a list of the ships and 112their burden, together with the names of their companies; and the text of the oath administered to the ships’ masters. then followed the log of the voyage, beginning with the departure from ratcliffe. from this it appears that the morning after the storm which had parted the ships, the “esperanza,” with the lifting of a fog, espied the “confidentia,” and thereafter these two ships managed to keep together. seeing nothing of the “bonaventure” they started in company to reach the rendezvous at “wardhouse.” but it was not long before they lost their way. through august and into september they sailed and drifted in various directions, northeast, south-southeast, northwest by west, west-southwest, north by east. on the fourteenth of august they discovered land in seventy-two degrees (which hakluyt terms “willoughbyie’s land”), but could not reach it because of shoal water and much ice. at length, in the middle of september, they came upon land, rocky, high, and forbidding, apparently uninhabited; and so to the desolate lapland haven which ultimately became their grave. herein were found “very many seale fishes and other great fishes,” and upon the main were seen “beares, great deere, foxes, with divers strange beasts as guloines [or ellons, hakluyt notes], and such other which were to us unknowen and also wonderful.” then the sad record closes:
“thus remaining in this haven the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, & also very evill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as though it had been the 113deepe of winter, we thought best to winter there. wherefore we sent out three men south-southwest, to search if they would find people, who went three dayes journey, but could finde none; after that, we sent other three westward foure daies journey, which also returned without finding any people. then sent we three men southeast three dayes journey, who in like sorte returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.”
the will of sir hugh was also found with his journal, from which it appeared that he and most of his company were alive so late as january. their haven lay near to kegor in norwegian lapland and was afterward known as arzina. they were first discovered, entombed in their ships, by russian fishermen cruising in their haven, the following summer. willoughby’s frozen body lay in his cabin. the next season, the summer of 1555, the two ships were recovered, with much of their goods, and restored for more service.
their subsequent fate is to be related farther on. our present concern is with richard chancellor and the “edward bonaventure” after the dispersion of the fleet.
“pensive, heavie, and sorrowfull” at the disappearance of his fellows, chancellor shaped his course for “wardhouse,” according to the agreement, and in due time safely arrived there. when a week had passed with no sign of the other ships, he determined to proceed alone in the purposed voyage, in which decision all of his company acquiesced. now follows the story 114of “the voyage of richard chanceller pilote major, the first discoverer by sea of the kingdom of muscovia, anno 1553,” told in two documents reproduced by hakluyt—chancellor’s “rehearsal” of his adventures with an account of the wealth and barbaric splendour in the dominions of the “mighty emperour of russia and the duke of moscovia,” and clement adams’s narrative of the voyage as he received it “from the mouth of the said richard chanceler.”
first of the voyage.
sailing from vardohuus, “master chanceler held on his course towards that unknowen part of the world,” and came “at last to the place where hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the sunne shining clearley upon the huge and mightie sea. and having the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased god to bring them into a certaine great bay, which was of one hundredth miles or thereabout over.” thus they had entered the white sea and had reached the bay of saint nicholas, in the neighbourhood of the modern archangel. here, “somewhat farre within,” they cast anchor and gazed about them. presently in the distance a fisher boat was espied. thereupon chancellor with a few of his men took the pinnace and went out to meet it, hoping to learn of its crew what country they had come to, and what manner of people. but the fishermen were so amazed at the “strange greatnesse” of the “bonaventure,” the like of which had never before been seen in those waters, that they incontinently 115fled as the strangers approached. soon, however, they were overtaken. then followed this scene in which chancellor’s cleverness was exhibited, and also, perhaps, his remembrance of that item in cabot’s book of ordinances as to the handling of new peoples discovered.
“being come to them they (being in great feare as men half dead) prostrated themselves before him, offering to kisse his feete; but he (according to his great and singular courtesie) looked pleasantly upon them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those dueties and reverences of theirs, and taking them up in all loving sort from the ground.”
their confidence thus won they spread the report on shore of the arrival of a “strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie”; and soon the common people came forward with hospitable offerings. they would also traffic with their “new-come ghests” (guests) had they not been bound by a “certaine religious use and custome not to buy any forreine [foreign] commodities without the knowledge and consent of their king.” by this time the englishmen had learned that the country was called russia, or muscovy, and that “ivan vasiliwich (which was at that time their king’s name) ruled and governed farre and wide in those places.” this was ivan the fourth, “the terrible.”
to the queries of the “barbarous russes” about themselves chancellor managed to make it understood that they were englishmen sent by the king of england, 116and bearing a letter from him to their king, seeking only his “amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby the subjects of both kingdoms would profit.” but his court was many miles distant, so there must be delay. chancellor asked them to sell him provisions and other necessities. hostages were also demanded for the “more assurance” of the safety of himself and company. the governor and chief men promised that they would do what they lawfully could to “pleasure him” till they had learned their king’s will. while this palavering was going on a sledsman had been secretly despatched as a messenger to the emperor at moscow, informing him of the new arrivals and asking his pleasure concerning them. after a considerable wait chancellor became impatient, and thinking it was their intention to delude him, he threatened to depart and continue his voyage unless their promises were immediately fulfilled. such was far from their desire, for they coveted the wares that the englishmen had displayed before them. accordingly, although their messenger had not returned, they agreed without further delay to furnish what the company wanted and to conduct them by land to the presence of their king.
then began a long overland journey by chancellor and his principal men to moscow on sleds. when the greater part had been passed the “russes’” messenger was met. he had wandered off his way seeking the english ship in a wrong direction. he delivered to chancellor a letter from the emperor, “written in all 117courtesie and in the most loving manner,” inviting the englishmen to his court and offering them post horses for the journey free of cost. instantly their conductors overwhelmed them with kindnesses. so anxious now were the “russes” to show their favours that they “began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striving and contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde.” so after “much adoe and great paines taken in this long and wearie journey (for they had travailed very neere fifteene hundred miles), master chanceler came at last to mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome, and the seate of the king.”
now of chancellor’s reception by ivan and the glitter of his court.
the opening scene which dazzled the eyes of the englishmen, when summoned to present king edward’s letter, is pictured by clement adams: “being entred within the gates of the court there sate a very honourable companie of courtiers to the number of one hundred, all apparelled in cloth of golde downe to their ankles: and therehence being conducted into the chamber of the presence our men beganne to wonder at the majestie of the emperour: his seate was aloft, in a very royall throne, having on his head a diademe, or crowne of golde, apparelled with a robe all of goldsmiths worke, and in his hande hee held a scepter garnished and beset with precious stones ...: on the one side of him stood his chiefe secretarie, on the other side the great commander of silence, both of them arayed also in cloth of golde: and then there sate the 118counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number, all in like sort arayed and of great state.”
chancellor also sketches this scene, varying somewhat in detail: “and when the duke was in his place appointed the interpretorr came for me into the utter [outer] chamber where sate one hundred or mor gentlemen, all in cloth of golde very sumptuous, and from thence i came into the counsaile chamber where sate the duke himselfe with his nobles, which were a faire company: they sate round about the chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate much higher than any of his nobles in a chaire gilt, and in a long garment of beaten golde, with an emperial crown upon his head and a staffe of cristall and golde in his right hand, and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire. the chancellour stoode up with the secretary before the duke.”
after he had delivered the king’s letter and a formal interchange of courtesies, the emperor invited him to dine with the court. of this feast, at the “golden palace,” and the pomp of it, we have chancellor’s quaintly minute description:
"and so i came into the hall, which was small and not great as is the kings majesties of england, and the table was covered with a tablecloth; and the marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand, which boorde was full of vessell of golde: and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupboarde of plate. from thence i came into the dining chamber where the duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth 119of estate, in a gowne of silver, with a crowne emperiale upon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat hie [high]. there sate none neare him by a great way. there were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the duke had at dinner: they were all in white. also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes than the rest of the house. in the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set plate on; which stoode full of cuppes of golde: and amongst all the rest there stoode foure marveilous great pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and silver: i thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe high. by the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which were the dukes owne drinking cups: when he was disposed, he drunke them off at a draught. and for his service at meate it came in without order, yet it was very rich service: for all were served in gold, not onely he himselfe, but also all the rest of us, and it was very massie [massive]: the cups also were of golde and very massie.
"the number that dined there that day was two hundred persons, and all were served in golden vessell. the gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold, and they served him with caps on their heads. before the service came in the duke sent to every man a great shiver of bread, and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and sayd, john basilivich emperour of russia and great duke of moscovia doth 120reward thee with bread: then must all men stand up, and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken. and then last of all he giveth the marshall bread, whereof he eateth before the dukes grace, and so doth reverence and departeth. then commeth the dukes service of the swannes all in pieces, and every one in a severall dish: the which the duke sendeth as he did the bread, and the bearer saeth the same wordes as he sayd before. and as i sayd before, the service of his meate is in no order, but commeth in dish by dish: and then after that the duke sendeth drinke, with the like saying as before is tolde. also before dinner hee changed his crowne, and in dinner time two crownes; so that i saw three severall crownes upon his head in one day.
“and thus when his service was all come in hee gave to every one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, & so likewise drinke. his intent thereby is, as i have heard, that every man shall know perfectly his servants. thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name, that it is a wonder to heare howe he could name them, having so many as he hath.”
chancellor furnishes also vivid descriptions of the power of the emperor in his vast dominions and of his prowess in war. lord over many countries, his power was “marvellously great.” he was able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men. he never entered the field himself with a force under two hundred thousand men, at the same time supplying 121all his borders with men of arms. neither husbandman nor merchant was taken to his wars. all of his warriors were horsemen, and were archers, having such bows as the turks had. their armour comprised a coat of plate and a skull cap, some of the coats being covered with velvet or cloth of gold. all their trappings were gorgeous, for their desire was to be sumptuous in the field, especially the nobles and gentlemen. the emperor outshone all in the richness of his attire and furnishings. his pavilion was covered either with cloth of gold or silver, and so set with stones that it was “wonderful to see.” on all their diplomatic travels the same gorgeousness was displayed. while chancellor was in moscow two ambassadors were sent to poland, with an escort of five hundred horse. “their sumptuousnes was above measure, not onely in themselves, but also in their horses, as velvet, cloth of golde, and cloth of silver set with pearles and not scant.” in ordinary life, however, the raiment of all classes was of the simplest.
their manner of fighting and the rough life of the common soldier were thus portrayed: “they are men without al order in the field. for they runne hurling on heapes, and for the most part they never give battel to their enemies: but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth. but i beleeve they be such men for hard living as are not under the sun: for no cold will hurt them. yea and though they lie in the field two moneths, at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke, the common souldier hath neither tent nor 122anything else over his head: the most defence they have against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and wether, and when snow commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby. thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which have other provision of their owne. their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes: for every man must carie and make provision for himselfe & his horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful. for he himselfe shal live upon water & otemeale mingled together cold, and drinke water thereto: his horse shal eat green wood & such like baggage & shal stand open in the cold field without covert, & yet wil he labour & serve him right well.” at which chancellor exclaims with admiration, “i pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with them but one moneth? i know no such region about us that beareth that name for man & beast. now what might be made of these men if they were trained & broken to order and knowledge of civill wars?” other very practical information related to the manners, customs, and religion of the russians and to the rich commodities of their country, offering prosperous trade for english merchants.
this illuminating “rehearsal” of chancellor’s, “writ with his own hande,” the earliest account of a people but vaguely known to western europe, and “still on the confines of barbarism,” was an unofficial paper addressed by the sailor-writer to his “singular good 123uncle master christopher frothingham,” with the modest admonition:
“sir, read and correct
for great is the defect.”
chancellor and his chief men remained in moscow through the winter, and when they departed to rejoin their ship at st. nicholas for the homeward voyage, the captain carried a letter from the emperor to the english monarch granting freedom to his dominions and every facility of trade to english merchants and ships.
thus russia was discovered by sea to commercial europe by englishmen.
