doubts concerning casas—cortés tired of inaction—determines to go in person to honduras—sets out with a large party—arrives at goazacoalco—the gay army soon comes to grief—the way barred by large rivers and deep morasses—scarcity of provisions—sufferings of the soldiers—the trick of the merchant-cacique—killing of the captive kings—apotheosis of a charger—fears of rebellious spaniards dissipated on nearing nito.

inordinate covetings had never been characteristic of cortés; but when a man attains eminence in wealth, power, or fame, it seems natural, it is rather expected, that he should become sordid, grasping, callous to human sympathy, indifferent to noble sentiment, the slave of avarice and ambition. greed constitutes no small part of grandeur.

northward from the mexican capital were limitless lands; cortés could not tell how much there might be to the west; hence one would think he might well leave to his countrymen in the south something for their pains; that he might even give his captains independent governments without diminution of his manliness.

but insignificant to cortés as was this honduras country, and petty as were the bickerings of its occupants, they were nevertheless objects of solicitude to the great chief. no sooner had casas left the chalchiuhcuecan shore, than cortés began to doubt the wisdom of his course in sending one servant after 538 another. the more he reflected on the popularity of olid and the number of his men, the comparatively untried ability of his opponent, and the reputed wealth of the country, the more he feared for the result, and wished to be present there in person.[xviii-1] not to mention the itching palm for power, this desire was increased by the petty espionage to which the imperial officers subjected his every movement. he longed to roam with kindred spirits in the wilds of the south, wherein native tradition located stately cities and treasure-filled palaces. he longed to meet a worthy foe. as he nursed the dream, the glow increased within him at the prospect of penetrating unknown regions, overcoming toil and danger, and discovering something new, something startling; perchance he might find the long-sought strait.

a hint in this direction was sufficient to rouse the anxiety of friends and enemies alike. he was the guiding spirit of all undertakings, and the protecting shield. all would return to chaos were he to withdraw; and the still wavering natives who respected and feared malinche, as cortés was called by the mexicans, above any host of soldiers, might rise and overwhelm them.

so urgent and general were the representations to this effect that he yielded, or pretended to yield.[xviii-2] but the spirit of the castilian explorer once aroused could not be repressed. he felt that he had been too long idle, so he wrote his sovereign, and must do 539 something in the service of his majesty.[xviii-3] preparations were accordingly resumed under pretence that a disaffection in the goazacoalco region required his personal attention.

personnel of the army.

he set out from mexico in the latter part of october, 1524,[xviii-4] leaving the government in charge of men whose flattery had blinded him to their insidious designs. the party consisted of about one hundred horsemen, half of them with extra animals, some forty archers and arquebusiers, and three thousand native warriors and servants,[xviii-5] the latter chiefly under the leadership of the three deposed sovereigns, quauhtemotzin the last emperor of mexico, tetlepanquetzal king of tlacopan, and cohuanococh king of tezcuco, and five or six captive caciques, whom it was regarded unsafe to leave behind.[xviii-6]

among the leading officers in the train were the alguacil mayor, sandoval, ocampo, ircio, saavedra, grado, and a number who acted as household officials and gentlemen in waiting to the leader. there were also a retinue of pages, youths of good family, among them young montejo, later conqueror of yucatan, and a number of musicians, jugglers, tumblers, and 540 clowns.[xviii-7] cortés had a natural bent for pomp, the pomp that gracefully adorns the truly great. the church was represented by a clergyman and three friars; chief among interpreters was marina, the mexican maiden, whose clear head and devoted heart had more than once saved the castilian invaders, and preserved their leader to her love.

the march was directed to espíritu santo, the place of review, not far above the mouth of the goazacoalco. on the way the party was made the object of a series of demonstrations, and the settlers of goazacoalco, including the 'true historian,' bernal diaz, came forth in procession, with fireworks and masquerade, to conduct the mighty conqueror under triumphal arches and amid salvos to his quarters. the joy was mingled with misgivings, however, for the small force and still smaller equipment awakened a fear that a levy might be made. this proved only too true, and while some joined of their own will, dazzled by the lustre of the leader's name, others, happy with a repartimiento of indians, who existed only to attend their wants, were not so quick to fall into line.[xviii-8] the chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to give information, and showed a surprising acquaintance with the country as far south even as the domain of pedrarias. they also prepared a map on cloth, depicting minutely the different rivers, mountains, and pueblos on the route to nito,[xviii-9] some of them ravaged by spaniards, and now deserted. the manuscript representation of this vast region, filled with great cities and rich provinces, determined cortés to advance toward honduras direct, and abandon 541 the idea once entertained of going through guatemala.[xviii-10] both the map and the imagination failed, however, adequately to picture the vast morasses and miry sloughs alternating with and bordering the countless rivers which served for highways to the natives. the lithe, unencumbered indian could not clearly grasp the difficulties herein presented to the heavy cavalry, for in his light canoe he could speed along the mighty streams, pass up the tributary branches, and penetrate far and wide by means of the more shallow creeks into the primeval forests.

a gay company.

after a week's stay the expedition advanced. tumbler and fiddler led in the van a merry dance, perhaps to death; in the rear was a herd of swine, kept at a safe distance, however, lest its presence should too greatly tempt the appetite of the hungry soldiers. the artillery of four guns, a quantity of small arms, ammunition, and stores were sent by a vessel to rio tabasco, to be followed by two small caravels from medellin laden with provisions. from this point it was intended to let one of them follow the coast, west of yucatan, still regarded as an island, so as to be able to furnish supplies when called upon by the land force which also expected to follow the shore. the rainy season was not yet over, and the very brooks had swollen into rushing rivers. two streams, nine and eighteen leagues respectively from espíritu santo, had to be crossed in canoes, the horses swimming,[xviii-11] and beyond flowed a still wider watercourse which required a bridge of nine hundred and thirty-four paces in length. the difficulties of the march may be understood from the statement that while traversing copilco province, fully fifty bridges had to be constructed within a distance of twenty leagues.[xviii-12] it 542 was a rich department with half a score of head pueblos, and having an abundance of provisions they were ordered to send tribute in kind to espíritu santo. after crossing a steep range a wide tributary of rio tabasco was reached,[xviii-13] where the troops were cheered by the arrival of a score of canoes laden with provisions from one of the vessels. natives of the province also appeared in obedience to a summons, and assisted in crossing the river and in opening a path along the thickly wooded bank to the capital of cihuatlan[xviii-14] province, twelve leagues up the river. as they approached it the guides and sappers suddenly disappeared in the close-knit jungle. a few steps further the path opened at the junction of a tributary river, and on the several banks was disclosed a large pueblo, silent as the grave; but the smoke yet curling from the ruins showed that it had only recently been abandoned. in the nearest suburb, which contained some two hundred houses, they remained for nearly three weeks. meanwhile a bridge of three hundred paces was built across a marsh, and expeditions were sent out in vain search for reliable guides, and to explore the neighborhood.[xviii-15]

the next objective point was chilapan, capital of a province bearing the same name; this they also found burned and deserted, but well provided with food. the crossing of the river here, which detained the army for over a week, was effected on rafts, but despite the care taken the rushing torrent played havoc with the baggage. beyond this lay a marshy tract only six leagues in extent, but so troublesome as to detain them two days. the horses suffered severely, sinking many times up to the ears, as cortés expresses it, and endangering the safety of the men in their struggles, so much so that three 543 spaniards were lost, beside a number of indians.[xviii-16] after a week's rest at the ruined yet well-stocked tamacaztepec, they made another marshy journey of three days before reaching iztapan, a fine large pueblo on the banks of the usumacinta, burned and deserted like the preceding. the cihuatlatecs had, it seems, in their wild scamper spread the most blood-curdling stories of the fierceness and cruelty of the spaniards. the timidity of the natives was proving inconvenient, and guides were sent out to assure the inhabitants of the peaceful intent of the invaders. the caciques were encouraged to tender submission in person, and were rewarded with presents, accompanied by a grandiloquent discourse about "the greatest prince on earth," and the mission he had given cortés to remedy evils, bestow benefits, and point the way to salvation.[xviii-17]

conquering and to conquer.

a week's rest was taken, during which half a dozen spaniards were sent up the river in canoes to receive the submission of chiefs, not to mention the accompanying presents that were to indicate the wealth of the district. three soldiers were also sent down the stream, to tabasco, with orders for the fleet to sail to ascension bay,[xviii-18] after sending boats with provisions and stores to acalan. it was to follow the shore so as to be near the army, if possible, for "it is believed," writes cortés, "though not for certain, that the natives pass through the bay of términos to the other sea, leaving yucatan an island." one of the three soldiers bearing the instructions was francisco de medina, an ill-tempered, violent, but able man, 544 with some knowledge of the country and the language, who had managed to ingratiate himself with his chief so far as to be commissioned to share the command of the fleet with the actual captain, simon de cuenca, one of cortés' mayordomos. on reaching the vessels at xicalanco he assumed an overbearing manner, and quarrelled with cuenca about the command till it came to blows. perceiving the state of affairs the natives watched their opportunity, attacked and killed the crew, pillaged the vessels, and burned them to remove the evidence. the news spread until it reached the capital, although in a distorted form, which gave the impression that cortés and all his force had perished. the anxiety became so great that ordaz, one of the favorite officers of cortés, set out among others to ascertain the truth of the report. following the coast by water, he reached the scene of the slaughter, and received such evidence as to lead him to declare that the great leader must indeed be dead. obsequies in his honor were accordingly held at mexico, after which but a trusting few entertained hopes of ever seeing him again.[xviii-19]

proceeding to tatahuitlapan cortés found the place partly burned, and deserted by all save a score of native priests, who inspired by duty had resolved to stay and die with the idols as ordained by the oracle. to show their impotence the images were destroyed, while the keepers were exhorted to devote themselves to the veneration of the cross, to whose merciful inspiration 545 they owed their safety. it was a sacred duty with cortés to erect the christian emblem in all pueblos and camping-places, and where ceiba-trees grew they were fashioned into crosses which, blooming anew, stood as living symbols of the saving faith. on the crosses were fastened notices of the expedition. in this region exists to-day a village called las tres cruces, from three crosses said to have been left by cortés. the place is barely thirty miles from the famous ruins of palenque, yet no allusion is made by the conquerors to the stupendous structures, the matchless palaces, and the curious sculptures there existing. once the object of admiration and worship to countless pilgrims from far-off districts, the city now lay wrapped within the secure folds of dense forests, and only tradition spoke of her past glories. perhaps it was well for the fortune-hunters, at least, that vegetation had obliterated the highways which in times past must have led to the shrine of the 'tree of life' from the malarious lowlands of the usumacinta region, for a sight of such grandeur might have awakened hopes never to be realized, and prompted expeditions ending only in disaster.

dark forests and morasses.

they now struck across to huetecpan,[xviii-20] higher up the river, and, after wading through a slough, plunged into a forest whose close growth shut out the very light of heaven.[xviii-21] here they groped for two days along the sappers' path, till they found themselves back on the route already traversed. pressed by the troubled leaders the guides cried out that they were lost. this admission was not without danger, for the provisions were exhausted, and the men filled with gloomy forebodings, which found vent with many in curses on their leader for having brought them to such a pass. they demanded that the swine be slaughtered, but the mayordomo, who had prudently 546 let the drove fall behind, intimated that the alligators had eaten them. they must be content with the scanty sustenance of roots and berries. meanwhile cortés had recourse to his maps and compass, and determined on a north-east course as the most likely to lead to his destination. this calculation proved correct, and although the place was in ruins, there was enough of food to bury gloom in feasting. soldiers being sent in search of guides, found a little beyond the river a lake where the inhabitants had taken refuge in canoes and on islands. finding themselves discovered the natives came fearlessly forth, stating that the spanish boat expedition from iztapan had reassured them, so much so that a brother of the cacique had joined the party with four armed canoes for convoy. the boats being recalled, brought evidence of the submission tendered by four or five pueblos in a cargo of honey and other delicacies, with a little gold. similar contributions flowed from different pueblos whose inhabitants came to gaze at the bearded men.[xviii-22]

explorers were sent forward as on previous occasions, to report on the road, but finding it comparatively easy for some distance they neglected to examine the remainder,[xviii-23] and misled the army as to the nature of the route. beyond lay a large province bounded by the laguna de términos, the broad usumacinta, and the ranges of vera paz, a low-lying country abounding in morasses, miasmatic inlets, and winding rivers tributary to the términos. the fertility of this naturally irrigated tract, not inaptly known as acalan, 'land of boats,' was evident in the rank growth of the vegetation, and the great variety of products. no roads existed, but 547 the numerous streams provided a series of highways which the enterprising natives had not failed to utilize in carrying their surplus products to arid and less rich provinces, especially to the north-east and south, and in bringing back slaves and compact treasures. it was quite natural for a people engaged in traffic to choose as ruler the richest trader, and such a one was the present, apochpalon[xviii-24] by name. to him were sent a number of spaniards and indians[xviii-25] with a reassuring message and an invitation to meet cortés.

bridge-building.

after a three days' march over a rough mountain track, the army suddenly found the path obstructed by a deep channel five hundred paces wide, with slimy borders. the passage was shown to be practicable only by means of a bridge which required patient labor, since the depth of water and mud proved to be fully six fathoms. great was the dismay, for there were hardly any provisions left, and to recross the mountain was a formidable task under the circumstances. the murmurs of the worn-out soldiers were loud enough at the first sight of the obstruction, and when cortés with his usual audacity gave orders to build a bridge, they rose almost into mutiny. the leader had been in worse troubles however. he knew every trait of a spanish soldier's character, and he was versed in blandishments. he showed the futility of retreat, since apart from the mountain road, so long and severe, freshets must by this time have washed away the means of recrossing rivers, and no provisions were left in the deserted pueblos. before them, on the other hand, lay a land of plenty, seamed with gold. he would guarantee the completion of the bridge within five days, or, this failing, he would follow their wishes. wily cortés! could he induce them to begin the work, he would trust his wits to secure its completion. but the men 548 remained sullen. they would die of hunger before the bridge was finished. hibueras would never be reached. "very well," said cortés, "be spectators, i will build the bridge with the aid of indians alone." brief persuasion was needed with the latter, for the chiefs were in the tyrant's hands, and their word was law to their followers. timber was felled, and with the aid of rafts the piling began. shamed by this measure the spaniards joined in the work, and to cheer them the solitary musician who had not fainted beneath the hardships of the march was ordered to play some cheering airs. but the men cried, "peace! we want bread, not music." the gnawings of hunger could not be appeased with empty sound.

while some thus worked diligently on the bridge, others went in search of roots and berries, but with poor success. overcome by famine and fatigue numbers lay down to die, while, to add to the catalogue of horrors, several of the indian guides were seized by native auxiliaries and cooked. among the victims to the adventure thus far, says torquemada, was fray juan de tecto, who, exhausted by hunger, leaned his head against a tree and surrendered his spirit.[xviii-26]

more and deeper sloughs.

before the expiration of a week the bridge was completed, a painful work indeed for fainting men, ill-furnished with the means, to perform within so short a time. it was composed, says cortés, of a thousand trees, nine to ten fathoms long, the smallest almost as thick as a man, besides a quantity of small timber, secured with wooden pegs and withes. for years this and several other 'bridges of malinche' remained a source of utility and wonder to the natives, who declared that nothing was impossible to the white man.[xviii-27] hunger and toil were for the moment forgotten in congratulations over the completion of 549 the structure, but their joy was of short duration. hardly had the rear of the army crossed the bridge when the van came to a slough which surpassed in difficulties any yet encountered. the horses sank almost out of sight, and it was only by the united efforts of the army that the beasts, on which their success so greatly depended, were finally extricated. this trouble over they were cheered by the arrival of bernal diaz, who had been absent foraging. it was not always that he returned so well laden, for now he had one hundred and thirty loads of maize and a quantity of fowl and other provisions. sometimes he could find nothing; sometimes what he found he hid, lest with the starving army he himself should starve. he was sure it would be snatched from his hands the moment he entered camp; and so it was on the present occasion; the soldiers pounced upon and devoured it like famished wolves. during the scramble were seized also the stores intended for the officers, so that the general himself could not obtain a crumb. fortunately bernal diaz had with his usual foresight placed in cache a portion of these very provisions, and suspecting this cortés so petted and praised the old soldier[xviii-28] that he had no longer the heart to withhold the food.

with bernal diaz came also messengers from the cacique bringing presents, including a little gold, and offering the hospitality of his realm. the following day tizapetlan was reached, where food had been prepared. there the expedition remained a week. the attentive natives were awed no less by the number of the invaders than by their strange appearance. the horses were a perpetual source of wonder, and offerings of roses were made to allay the anger displayed 550 by their fierce pawing. the merchant-chief had thought it prudent to be obsequious to men so formidable; but, when he saw how food disappeared before them, and how greedily every valuable was appropriated, he trembled with apprehension. if they were content to stay and feast for a week in one of his miserable border towns, how long might they not tarry in the central cities of the richer districts? to rid the province of the cormorants, the cacique pretended to have died, directing his son to lead them quickly in upon the lands of a neighbor. after the funeral rites and interchange of presents, the young man addressed the spaniards. "you would reach the settlements of your countrymen in honduras. they are quite near; hardly eight days distant is nito, where are floating houses, and bearded men on giant deer."

this he could affirm, for there was an acalan factory, and at its head apochpalon's own brother, who had told him of these things. this news was more to the cacique's purpose than any artifice, and eagerly the expedition hurried to teotilac,[xviii-29] five or six leagues off, guided thither by the dutiful young chief over a circuitous route.[xviii-30]

the ruler of teotilac was by no means pleased to find thrown upon him this hungry host; and he revealed to cortés the trickery of apochpalon. thereupon cortés ordered the dead man immediately to appear. two days later, accordingly, the sovereign-cacique arrived, looking most sheepish. he proffered innumerable excuses, and tendered as amends the hospitality of the capital. the offer was too tempting not to procure his forgiveness. 551

one of the two temples serving for army headquarters at teotilac was occupied by a goddess, whose fierce passions could be appeased only with the blood of beautiful virgins. to insure the genuineness of the vestal offering, so that a mistake might not render it fruitless, girls were selected in infancy and brought up in strictest seclusion within the temple walls, till came the time for yielding their fair forms to the sacrifice. cortés sought to impress on the people the absurdity of so atrocious a superstition, and destroyed the idol.

conspiracy of the captive kings.

this place is remarkable for one incident which concerned the safety of the spaniards, according to their account, and left an indelible impression on the natives of new spain. among those who followed the expedition as hostages, as we have seen, were three deposed kings, two of whom were now accused of treachery, quauhtemotzin, and tetlepanquetzal. these patriots were criminal in the eyes of the spaniards; they had dared to regard the invaders as the enemies of their country, and bitterly to oppose them. it seemed now convenient to cortés that they should die, and excuse was not wanting for killing them. suffering every hardship of the march, the royal captives had found some consolation in observing how heavily it bore on their keepers, toiling, starving, discontented, blundering along an unknown and dangerous route. but this was not their only feeling. quauhtemotzin, the sovereign, the general, the tactician, could not fail to observe the disparity between his followers and the hated white men. the latter were reduced in strength by famine and hardships, in the midst of a strange country, far from relief, while the mexicans, if also weakened, and not so well armed, were tenfold more numerous, and more at home in these wilds. inspired by a deeply rooted devotion to their traditions, to their princes, to their country, the merest whisper of revenge, of 552 freedom, could not fail to find response. yes, sweet was the thought of revenge; equally sweet the prospect of a triumphal return to mexico, there to be greeted as a liberator ordained to restore the ancient grandeur of montezuma's court; finally, perhaps, to be exalted by a grateful people to the pantheon of the gods, a dream so worthy the soldier and patriot, how oft may it not have smiled upon his fancy! what more natural, what more commendable indeed, than projects for the liberation not alone of the auxiliary host, but of their country and kindred? treachery had been used to reduce them, and treachery must be met with treachery. this was justifiable, although the indians probably weighed not the moral aspect of the question. as for the risk, one blow, one death, was preferable to the daily death which they were suffering on this journey. yes, they must take advantage of the opportunity presented, and while the spaniards were engrossed by the difficulties of some mountain pass, or engulfed in some morass, fall upon them, especially upon the feared cortés, and then, with the prestige of victors, return to mexico, where their compatriots would meanwhile, under advice, have risen simultaneously against the now disorganized and squabbling colonists, reduced as they were in numbers.[xviii-31]

the killing of the kings.

how long the plot had been brewing is not stated, but during the stay at teotilac cortés was startled by a revelation from a prominent mexican,[xviii-32] who gave 553 him a paper with the names of the conspirators in hieroglyphics. several were seized, and under separate examination confessed to the existence of the plot, although disclaiming for themselves of course any actual participation.[xviii-33] quauhtemotzin was also questioned, and admitted, says bernal diaz, that the hardships and dangers had aroused rebellious sentiments among the indians, but claimed that he was not the author, and judging from his own feelings he regarded the whole thing as mere talk. a quick secret trial was held, and the sentence of death by hanging pronounced against quauhtemotzin and tetlepanquetzal,[xviii-34] who were dragged forth during the stillness of the night to a ceiba-tree, where they met their fate. cortés was present at the execution, and to him quauhtemotzin addressed himself, writes bernal diaz. "malinche, many a day have i suspected the falsity of thy words, and that thou hadst destined this end to my life. why dost thou kill me without 554 justice? god will demand of thee thy answer!" tetlepanquetzal calmly expressed himself content to die with his royal companion, and together they listened to the exhortations of the friars, dying like true christians.[xviii-35] the execution took place during the carnival days preceding shrove-tide, and appears to have created no excitement either among indians or spaniards.[xviii-36]

excuses for the atrocity.

most spanish authorities are of course inclined to uphold the act as a necessary punishment for a proven crime. yet certain men, like torquemada, a champion of the natives, and modern mexican writers, side with the indians in stamping it as a foul murder, carried out merely to be rid of the kings whose presence was becoming a burden to the conquerors. others, like bernal diaz, soften the deed into a mistake, based on insufficient evidence, and prompted by a desire to smother a conspiracy which some imaginary spirits had conjured.[xviii-37] but cortés would hardly have removed so valuable a hostage without good reason. 555 the reason being admitted, and this to some extent even by native records, the precarious situation of the spaniards demanded that cortés should take measures commensurate with the apparent danger.[xviii-38] 556

many of the natives, particularly those now encountering the spaniards for the first time, regarded the discovery of the conspiracy with superstitious awe. the idea of treachery by an accomplice did not seem to so occur to them, but with mysterious shaking of the head they pointed to the compass and chart. instruments which had so unaccountably, and better than any guide, pointed out the road and saved the army from destruction, could of course reveal a simple conspiracy. nothing could be hidden from the owner of that needle. conscious, perhaps, of some stray unfriendly thought, many hastened to cortés to protest their devotion. "look into the mirror, and you will find it so," they said, alluding to the compass, yet quaking the while lest a suspicion should there 557 stand depicted. apochpalon was so affected that he hastened to tender allegiance and to burn idols. so convenient a belief was not to be disturbed, and the natives were allowed to nurse it.

the army at izancanac.

the army now proceeded to izancanac,[xviii-39] the populous capital of acalan, conducted by apochpalon in person. he was mounted on a horse, and the first apprehensions over, he strode his steed with childish delight. the soldiers were treated with sumptuous hospitality, and cortés was gratified with presents of gold and women. meanwhile, to facilitate the further march, the road was improved, a bridge built, and guides were provided, besides an advance corps laden with provisions. in return for all this apochpalon asked merely for a letter to prove to other white comers that he had been faithful.

there was every inducement to prolong the stay at izancanac, served and feasted as they were, but the nearness of the spanish settlements, as alluringly depicted by the calculating apochpalon, was an incentive for all to proceed. laden with rations for a week, they departed on the first sunday in lent from the fair province of acalan, over which, the protective letter notwithstanding, the withering influence of spaniards was soon to fall. on the third day they entered the prairie-studded province of the mazatecs,[xviii-40] so called from the abundance of deer. these animals were here regarded with veneration, and the consequent immunity from pursuit had made them not only numerous, but tame. the soldiers, being restrained by no scruples of native superstition, could not resist the temptation of a chase over the verdure-clad fields, and soon a score of deer were added to the larder. the following day they came to a frontier fortress, built on a rock, and bounded on 558 one side by a lake, on the other by a river, and with only one means of access. besides this natural strength it was protected by a double stockade with moats, surmounted by towers, and the houses were also provided with shot-holes. the place was in fact impregnable, and every precaution was taken to meet the resistance for which the attack of some lately captured scouts had prepared them. cautiously they advanced toward the entrance. not a sound, not a movement. an ambuscade must have been formed, since no gate barred the entry. but within reigned silence, and it was only on reaching the plaza that some chiefs appeared with humble obeisance. this was one of the asylums erected by the mazatecs for refuge against the wild lacandones. but what availed walls and arms against the irresistible bearded men who controlled the lightning. them the inhabitants dared not resist. they had fled to mountain fastnesses, leaving their wealth of provisions and arms at the disposal of the invaders, with the sole request that the place be not destroyed. the chiefs were reassured, and after replenishing their stores the spaniards proceeded for seven leagues to a larger and similar pueblo called tiac, situated on a plain, within a stockade, each of its three wards being provided with separate palisades. the caciques of this and several other pueblos of the province, each independent and quarrelsome, sent messengers with presents and offers of allegiance, but could not be prevailed upon to come in person with their people. the guides here obtained gave the cheering information that the white men were not far off, and conducted them to ahuncahuitl, the last pueblo of this province, also fortified, and amply provisioned, so much so that rations were taken for the five days' march which intervened before reaching the province of the itzas.[xviii-41]

arrival at the itza capital.

four nights were spent in the mountains, in which 559 was a bad pass, called alabastro from the appearance of the rock. they now came to a small lake with an island pueblo, from which the inhabitants fled as the soldiers waded over.[xviii-42] the following day they were surprised to behold the gleaming walls and lofty temples of a large pueblo, situated on an isle several miles from shore, in a large sheet of water, which cortés assumed to be an arm of the sea.[xviii-43] but his ordeal was not yet over. it was the lake now known as peten, and the pueblo was tayasal,[xviii-44] the capital of the itzas, which recalled in a measure to the old conquerors the first and never to be forgotten view of the famous queen city enthroned in the lake of mexico.

the natives had taken to their canoes on the approach of the spaniards, and heeded no signs or appeals, but with the aid of a dog a solitary boatman 560 was captured. a friendly message was now despatched to the canek inviting him to a conference, and offering hostages. it was not long ere six large canoes approached the shore, and some thirty persons stepped fearlessly forth. at their head came one whose commanding figure and quiet dignity announced the ruler. a flowing white robe disclosed an elaborately tattooed skin, relieved by an embroidered maxtli. the braided hair was surmounted by a head-dress of feathers, and the face, also tattooed with black lines, was further ornamented with gold pendants in nose and ears. he bade cortés welcome, and expressed himself secure in his company without the proffered hostage.

it was the hour for mass, and with a view both to please him and to teach a pious lesson, the ceremony was held with chant and instrumental accompaniment. the faith was thereupon explained by a friar, with so good an effect that the chief promised to destroy his idols and venerate the cross till teachers should arrive to give him full instruction. as an earnest of his intention presents were produced, consisting chiefly of provisions, with a few strings of red shells highly valued by the natives, and other trinkets; and though the gold was small in quantity, yet it encouraged cortés to give in return a shirt, a velvet cap, and some cutlery. news had reached the island city of the doings of the europeans, not only at naco and nito, but in tabasco, where the natives some years before had been conquered in three battles. cortés hastened to assure the canek that he saw before him the hero of those famed encounters, and finding that an impression had been produced, he warmed with a description of the power and grandeur of the greatest prince on earth. the canek was not merely impressed but awed, so much so that he at once tendered allegiance.

with new guides the main body proceeded round the lake southward, while cortés entered the canoes 561 with a score of archers to visit the island city. the officers sought to dissuade him from risking his person in the hands of a perhaps treacherous enemy, but the general did not wish to be surpassed in fearlessness and confidence.[xviii-45] he was greatly admired by the islanders who thronged round his mailed followers with mingled curiosity and awe. on leaving he commended to their care a black horse which had been disabled by a wound in the leg. ignorant of the treatment required by the animal, and eager to do reverence to the strange charge, they are said to have offered it flowers and fowl, on which diet it died. the grief of the itzas was equalled only by their fear. what would the white chief say when he returned? nothing now remained but to do homage to the carcass. they had seen the flash of the fire-arm as the mounted hunter chased the deer on the prairie, and fancied that this as well as the report issued from the horse. what more appropriate apotheosis of a charger than into a god of thunder? as tziminchac it was accordingly adored. the bones were kept as sacred relics while an effigy sejant of the animal, formed of masonry, attracted direct worship.[xviii-46]

toilsome advance.

the next resting-place of the army was at tlecan, a deserted pueblo some seven leagues from tayasal, where the spaniards stayed for four days and provided themselves with a week's rations. six leagues further a halt was made at a hamlet, in honor of the virgin's festival.[xviii-47] nine leagues beyond, a rugged pass was entered in which the rough sharp stones tore from the horses feet their very shoes. the next station bore the name ahuncapun where a two days' 562 halt was made. five leagues beyond lay tachuytel, after which began an eight league ascent of the roughest mountains yet encountered, called de pedernales, mountain of flints. the horses could hardly move a step without slipping, and cutting their legs and bodies most dangerously. on any other occasion the sight of suffering among the prized animals, the chief reliance of the army, would have touched the men deeply, but now they were too much absorbed by their own sufferings to think of them. many of the soldiers were also becoming disabled, and the provisions were giving out in the midst of the mountains, which in many places offered not even a root. days passed by in slow and toilsome advance; none could tell how much longer this long journey would last. a heavy rain added to their torment, and past sufferings were forgotten in the present. many fell from exhaustion and hunger, or slipped from the rocks into the abyss; and so extreme was the need, says herrera, that one confessed to having eaten of the brains and entrails of three men who had died of hunger.[xviii-48]

yucatan

a formidable ford.

cortés did his utmost to encourage the men. with pike in hand he would lead the march over the difficult parts of the road; he cheered and consoled them, and divided what he had with the sick and famished. this energy, this sympathy and generosity did wonders and animated the men to repress their murmurs. finally, after twelve days of toil, says cortés, the terrible flint road ended; but it had cost the lives of several men, and sixty-eight horses had fallen over the cliffs, or had been fatally disabled, while the rest did not recover from the strains and bruises for three months.[xviii-49] now the men began to 563 breathe easier, but, as once before, the dawning joy was abruptly checked by a formidable obstacle. they found themselves on the banks of a wide river whose waters tore by with a rapidity that made even rafting impracticable. while the soldiers stood gazing in mute despair at the barriers behind and in front, praying for deliverance, cortés sent out parties to search for an outlet, and soon reports were brought of a ford. it was as a reprieve from death. te deum was solemnly chanted, and tough old soldiers shed tears of joy. when the nature of the passage was observed, it seemed indeed as if heaven had decreed a miracle in their behalf. the ford, two thirds of a league wide, consisted of a smooth ledge 564 stretching across the whole river, and intersected by over twenty channels, through which the water rushed with deafening roar. but even the channels could not be crossed without bridges, and fully two days were spent in felling timber for the twenty passages.[xviii-50]

it was easter eve[xviii-51] when the ford was crossed by the infantry, followed by the disabled horses. again came a check to their joy. tenciz, the pueblo at which they now arrived, a league beyond the ford, had been evacuated, and nearly all the supplies carried off. for over ten days the men had eaten hardly anything but palm-cabbage, and very little of that, owing to the trouble in obtaining it.[xviii-52] fortunately, some natives were found who guided a foraging party back across the river a day's journey into the tahuytal province, where an abundance of provisions was obtained, and which furnished the army with good cheer during the five days' stay at tenciz, and with some rations for the journey into acuculin province.

the guides here obtained ran away, and the spaniards had to advance with the aid of native maps alone. the route was level, and eleven leagues were easily covered in two days by crossing two rivers. this brought them to a small settlement of acalan traders, who had been driven from nito by the spanish excesses, and found refuge here. soon after the capital of the province was reached, but it was deserted and almost devoid of provisions. this was most discouraging, and to advance without guides appeared dangerous. notwithstanding the scanty sustenance obtained from palm-cabbage, cooked with pork, and 565 unsalted, a week was spent in searching for guides. finally a boy was found who led them a day's journey to a river in taniha province, evidently rio sarstoon. following the stream downward for a couple of days they came to otulizti pueblo, where the natives reported that nito lay only two suns away. in proof of this assertion two women were brought who had served the spaniards there. hunger and fatigue were forgotten in the rejoicing over this news, and the men impatiently begged to be led onward.

approach to nito.

but there was need for prudence, since nothing was known about the condition of affairs in honduras, and the troops were not at present in a position to meet a well-equipped foe, particularly if led by the redoubtable olid. sandoval was accordingly sent forward with a few chosen men to reconnoitre. it was not far to the shore of the amatique bay, beyond which lay the object of their journey. the bay was skirted till they reached the wide stream which forms the outlet of golfo dulce. here they captured a trader's canoe, and then hid themselves to see what next should happen. it was not long before a canoe approached with four white men, who were outflanked and secured. they proved to be soldiers of gil gonzalez stationed at nito, to which site the old settlement at san gil de buenavista had been transferred.[xviii-53] on the whole the account of affairs was cheering to sandoval, the main point being that the province was quiet, and thoroughly devoted to cortés, although without a regular governor since the departure of casas. a messenger was at once despatched to relieve the anxiety of the general, and the soldier to whom the commission was intrusted reaped a rich harvest from his overjoyed chief and comrades.