dreadful sufferings of the besieged—spirit of guatemozin—murderous assaults—capture of guatemozin—evacuation of the city—termination of the siege—reflections

1521

there was no occasion to resort to artificial means to precipitate the ruin of the aztecs. it was accelerated every hour by causes more potent than those arising from mere human agency. there they were,—pent up in their close and suffocating quarters, nobles, commoners, and slaves, men, women, and children, some in houses, more frequently in hovels,—for this part of the city was not the best,—others in the open air in canoes, or in the streets, shivering in the cold rains of night, and scorched by the burning heat of day.[97] an old chronicler mentions the fact of two women of rank remaining three days and nights up to their necks{86} in the water among the reeds, with only a handful of maize for their support.[98] the ordinary means of sustaining life were long since gone. they wandered about in search of anything, however unwholesome or revolting, that might mitigate the fierce gnawings of hunger. some hunted for insects and worms on the borders of the lake, or gathered the salt weeds and moss from its bottom, while at times they might be seen casting a wistful look at the green hills beyond, which many of them had left to share the fate of their brethren in the capital.

to their credit, it is said by the spanish writers that they were not driven, in their extremity, to violate the laws of nature by feeding on one another.[99] but, unhappily, this is contradicted by the indian authorities, who state that many a mother, in her agony, devoured the offspring which she had no longer the means of supporting. this is recorded of more than one siege in history; and it is the more probable here, where the sensibilities must have been blunted by familiarity with the brutal practices of the national superstition.[100]{87}

but all was not sufficient, and hundreds of famished wretches died every day from extremity of suffering. some dragged themselves into the houses, and drew their last breath alone and in silence. others sank down in the public streets. wherever they died, there they were left. there was no one to bury or to remove them. familiarity with the spectacle made men indifferent to it. they looked on in dumb despair, waiting for their own turn. there was no complaint, no lamentation, but deep, unutterable woe.

if in other quarters of the town the corpses might be seen scattered over the streets, here they were gathered in heaps. “they lay so thick,” says bernal diaz, “that one could not tread except among the bodies.”[101] “a man could not set his foot down,” says cortés, yet more strongly, “unless on the corpse of an indian.”[102] they were piled one upon another, the living mingled with the dead. they stretched themselves on the bodies of their friends, and lay down to sleep there. death was everywhere. the city was a vast charnel-house, in which all was hastening to decay and decomposition. a poisonous steam arose from the mass of putrefaction, under the action of alternate rain and heat, which so tainted the whole atmosphere that the spaniards, including the gen{88}eral himself, in their brief visits to the quarter, were made ill by it, and it bred a pestilence that swept off even greater numbers than the famine.[103]

men’s minds were unsettled by these strange and accumulated horrors. they resorted to all the superstitious rites prescribed by their religion, to stay the pestilence. they called on their priests to invoke the gods in their behalf. but the oracles were dumb, or gave only gloomy responses. their deities had deserted them, and in their place they saw signs of celestial wrath, telling of still greater woes in reserve. many, after the siege, declared that, among other prodigies, they beheld a stream of light, of a blood-red color, coming from the north in the direction of tepejacac, with a rushing noise like that of a whirlwind, which swept round the district of tlatelolco, darting out sparkles and flakes of fire, till it shot far into the centre of the lake![104] in the disordered state of their nerves, a mysterious fear took possession of their senses. prodigies were of familiar occurrence, and the most familiar phenomena of nature were converted into prodigies.[105] stunned by their calamities,{89} reason was bewildered, and they became the sport of the wildest and most superstitious fancies.

in the midst of these awful scenes, the young emperor of the aztecs remained, according to all accounts, calm and courageous. with his fair capital laid in ruins before his eyes, his nobles and faithful subjects dying around him, his territory rent away, foot by foot, till scarce enough remained for him to stand on, he rejected every invitation to capitulate, and showed the same indomitable spirit as at the commencement of the siege. when cortés, in the hope that the extremities of the besieged would incline them to listen to an accommodation, persuaded a noble prisoner to bear to guatemozin his proposals to that effect, the fierce young monarch, according to the general, ordered him at once to be sacrificed.[106] it is a spaniard, we must remember, who tells the story.

cortés, who had suspended hostilities for several days, in the vain hope that the distresses of the mexicans would bend them to submission, now determined to drive them to it by a general assault. cooped up as they were within a narrow quarter of the city, their position favored such an attempt. he commanded alvarado to hold himself in readiness, and directed sandoval—who, besides the causeway, had charge of the fleet, which lay off the tlatelolcan district—to support the attack by a cannonade on the houses near the water. he then{90} led his forces into the city, or rather across the horrid waste that now encircled it.

on entering the indian precincts, he was met by several of the chiefs, who, stretching forth their emaciated arms, exclaimed, “you are the children of the sun. but the sun is swift in his course. why are you, then, so tardy? why do you delay so long to put an end to our miseries? rather kill us at once, that we may go to our god huitzilopochtli, who waits for us in heaven to give us rest from our sufferings!”[107]

cortés was moved by their piteous appeal, and answered that he desired not their death, but their submission. “why does your master refuse to treat with me,” he said, “when a single hour will suffice for me to crush him and all his people?” he then urged them to request guatemozin to confer with him, with the assurance that he might do it in safety, as his person should not be molested.

the nobles, after some persuasion, undertook the mission; and it was received by the young monarch in a manner which showed—if the anecdote before related of him be true—that misfortune had at length asserted some power over his haughty spirit. he consented to the interview, though not to have it take place on that day, but the following, in the great square of tlatelolco. cortés, well satisfied,{91} immediately withdrew from the city and resumed his position on the causeway.

the next morning he presented himself at the place appointed, having previously stationed alvarado there with a strong corps of infantry, to guard against treachery. the stone platform in the centre of the square was covered with mats and carpets, and a banquet was prepared to refresh the famished monarch and his nobles. having made these arrangements, he awaited the hour of the interview.

but guatemozin, instead of appearing himself, sent his nobles, the same who had brought to him the general’s invitation, and who now excused their master’s absence on the plea of illness. cortés, though disappointed, gave a courteous reception to the envoys, considering that it might still afford the means of opening a communication with the emperor. he persuaded them, without much entreaty, to partake of the good cheer spread before them, which they did with a voracity that told how severe had been their abstinence. he then dismissed them with a seasonable supply of provisions for their master, pressing him to consent to an interview, without which it was impossible their differences could be adjusted.

the indian envoys returned in a short time, bearing with them a present of fine cotton fabrics, of no great value, from guatemozin, who still declined to meet the spanish general. cortés, though deeply chagrined, was unwilling to give up the point. “he will surely come,” he said to the envoys, “when he sees that i suffer you to go and{92} come unharmed, you who have been my steady enemies, no less than himself, throughout the war. he has nothing to fear from me.”[108] he again parted with them, promising to receive their answer the following day.

on the next morning the aztec chiefs, entering the christian quarters, announced to cortés that guatemozin would confer with him at noon in the market-place. the general was punctual at the hour; but without success. neither monarch nor ministers appeared there. it was plain that the indian prince did not care to trust the promises of his enemy. a thought of montezuma may have passed across his mind. after he had waited three hours, the general’s patience was exhausted, and, as he learned that the mexicans were busy in preparations for defence, he made immediate dispositions for the assault.[109]

the confederates had been left without the walls; for he did not care to bring them within sight of the quarry before he was ready to slip the leash. he now ordered them to join him, and, supported by alvarado’s division, marched at once into the enemy’s quarters. he found them prepared{93} to receive him. their most able-bodied warriors were thrown into the van, covering their feeble and crippled comrades. women were seen occasionally mingling in the ranks, and, as well as children, thronged the azoteas, where, with famine-stricken visages and haggard eyes, they scowled defiance and hatred on their invaders.

as the spaniards advanced, the mexicans set up a fierce war-cry, and sent off clouds of arrows with their accustomed spirit, while the women and boys rained down darts and stones from their elevated position on the terraces. but the missiles were sent by hands too feeble to do much damage; and, when the squadrons closed, the loss of strength became still more sensible in the aztecs. their blows fell feebly and with doubtful aim, though some, it is true, of stronger constitution, or gathering strength from despair, maintained to the last a desperate fight.

the arquebusiers now poured in a deadly fire. the brigantines replied by successive volleys, in the opposite quarter. the besieged, hemmed in, like deer surrounded by the huntsmen, were brought down on every side. the carnage was horrible. the ground was heaped up with slain, until the maddened combatants were obliged to climb over the human mounds to get at one another. the miry soil was saturated with blood, which ran off like water and dyed the canals themselves with crimson.[110] all was uproar and terrible confusion.{94} the hideous yells of the barbarians, the oaths and execrations of the spaniards, the cries of the wounded, the shrieks of women and children, the heavy blows of the conquerors, the death-struggle of their victims, the rapid, reverberating echoes of musketry, the hissing of innumerable missiles, the crash and crackling of blazing buildings, crushing hundreds in their ruins, the blinding volumes of dust and sulphurous smoke shrouding all in their gloomy canopy, made a scene appalling even to the soldiers of cortés, steeled as they were by many a rough passage of war, and by long familiarity with blood and violence. “the piteous cries of the women and children, in particular,” says the general, “were enough to break one’s heart.”[111] he commanded that they should be spared, and that all who asked it should receive quarter. he particularly urged this on the confederates, and placed spaniards among them to restrain their violence.[112] but he had set an engine in motion too terrible to be controlled. it were as easy to curb the hurricane in its fury, as the passions of an infuriated horde of savages. “never did i see so pitiless a race,” he exclaims, “or anything wearing the{95} form of man so destitute of humanity.”[113] they made no distinction of sex or age, and in this hour of vengeance seemed to be requiting the hoarded wrongs of a century. at length, sated with slaughter, the spanish commander sounded a retreat. it was full time, if, according to his own statement,—we may hope it is an exaggeration,—forty thousand souls had perished.[114] yet their fate was to be envied, in comparison with that of those who survived.

through the long night which followed, no movement was perceptible in the aztec quarter. no light was seen there, no sound was heard, save the low moaning of some wounded or dying wretch, writhing in his agony. all was dark and silent,—the darkness of the grave. the last blow seemed to have completely stunned them. they had parted with hope, and sat in sullen despair, like men waiting in silence the stroke of the executioner. yet, for all this, they showed no disposition to submit. every new injury had sunk deeper into their souls, and filled them with a deeper hatred of their enemy. fortune, friends, kindred, home,—all were gone. they were content to throw away life itself, now that they had nothing more to live for.

far different was the scene in the christian camp, where, elated with their recent successes, all{96} was alive with bustle and preparation for the morrow. bonfires were seen blazing along the causeways, lights gleamed from tents and barracks, and the sounds of music and merriment, borne over the waters, proclaimed the joy of the soldiers at the prospect of so soon terminating their wearisome campaign.

on the following morning the spanish commander again mustered his forces, having decided to follow up the blow of the preceding day before the enemy should have time to rally, and at once to put an end to the war. he had arranged with alvarado, on the evening previous, to occupy the market-place of tlatelolco; and the discharge of an arquebuse was to be the signal for a simultaneous assault. sandoval was to hold the northern causeway, and, with the fleet, to watch the movements of the indian emperor, and to intercept the flight to the main land, which cortés knew he meditated. to allow him to effect this would be to leave a formidable enemy in his own neighborhood, who might at any time kindle the flame of insurrection throughout the country. he ordered sandoval, however, to do no harm to the royal person, and not to fire on the enemy at all, except in self-defence.[115]

it was the memorable thirteenth of august, 1521, the day of st. hippolytus,—from this circumstance selected as the patron saint of modern{97} mexico,—that cortés led his warlike array for the last time across the black and blasted environs which lay around the indian capital. on entering the aztec precincts, he paused, willing to afford its wretched inmates one more chance of escape before striking the fatal blow. he obtained an interview with some of the principal chiefs, and expostulated with them on the conduct of their prince. “he surely will not,” said the general, “see you all perish, when he can so easily save you.” he then urged them to prevail on guatemozin to hold a conference with him, repeating the assurances of his personal safety.

the messengers went on their mission, and soon returned with the cihuacoatl at their head, a magistrate of high authority among the mexicans. he said, with a melancholy air, in which his own disappointment was visible, that “guatemozin was ready to die where he was, but would hold no interview with the spanish commander;” adding, in a tone of resignation, “it is for you to work your pleasure.” “go, then,” replied the stern conqueror, “and prepare your countrymen for death. their hour is come.”[116]

he still postponed the assault for several hours. but the impatience of his troops at this delay was heightened by the rumor that guatemozin and his nobles were preparing to escape with their effects{98} in the piraguas and canoes which were moored on the margin of the lake. convinced of the fruitlessness and impolicy of further procrastination, cortés made his final dispositions for the attack, and took his own station on an azotea which commanded the theatre of operations.

when the assailants came into the presence of the enemy, they found them huddled together in the utmost confusion, all ages and sexes, in masses so dense that they nearly forced one another over the brink of the causeways into the water below. some had climbed on the terraces, others feebly supported themselves against the walls of the buildings. their squalid and tattered garments gave a wildness to their appearance which still further heightened the ferocity of their expression, as they glared on their enemy with eyes in which hate was mingled with despair. when the spaniards had approached within bowshot, the aztecs let off a flight of impotent missiles, showing to the last the resolute spirit, though they had lost the strength, of their better days. the fatal signal was then given by the discharge of an arquebuse,—speedily followed by peals of heavy ordnance, the rattle of fire-arms, and the hellish shouts of the confederates as they sprang upon their victims. it is unnecessary to stain the page with a repetition of the horrors of the preceding day. some of the wretched aztecs threw themselves into the water and were picked up by the canoes. others sank and were suffocated in the canals. the number of these became so great that a bridge was made of their dead bodies, over which the assailants could climb to the oppo{99}site banks. others again, especially the women, begged for mercy, which, as the chroniclers assure us, was everywhere granted by the spaniards, and, contrary to the instructions and entreaties of cortés, everywhere refused by the confederates.[117]

while this work of butchery was going on, numbers were observed pushing off in the barks that lined the shore, and making the best of their way across the lake. they were constantly intercepted by the brigantines, which broke through the flimsy array of boats, sending off their volleys to the right and left, as the crews of the latter hotly assailed them. the battle raged as fiercely on the lake as on the land. many of the indian vessels were shattered and overturned. some few, however, under cover of the smoke, which rolled darkly over the waters, succeeded in clearing themselves of the turmoil, and were fast nearing the opposite shore.

sandoval had particularly charged his captains to keep an eye on the movements of any vessel in which it was at all probable that guatemozin might be concealed. at this crisis, three or four of the largest piraguas were seen skimming over the water and making their way rapidly across the lake. a captain, named garci holguin, who had command of one of the best sailers in the fleet, instantly gave them chase. the wind was favorable, and every moment he gained on the fugitives, who pulled their oars with a vigor that despair alone{100} could have given. but it was in vain; and, after a short race, holguin, coming alongside of one of the piraguas, which, whether from its appearance or from information he had received, he conjectured might bear the indian emperor, ordered his men to level their cross-bows at the boat. but, before they could discharge them, a cry arose from those in it that their lord was on board. at the same moment a young warrior, armed with buckler and maquahuitl, rose up, as if to beat off the assailants. but as the spanish captain ordered his men not to shoot, he dropped his weapons, and exclaimed, “i am guatemozin. lead me to malinche; i am his prisoner; but let no harm come to my wife and my followers.”[118]

holguin assured him that his wishes should be respected, and assisted him to get on board the brigantine, followed by his wife and attendants. these were twenty in number, consisting of coanaco, the deposed lord of tezcuco, the lord of tlacopan, and several other caciques and dignitaries, whose rank, probably, had secured them some exemption from the general calamities of the siege.{101} when the captives were seated on the deck of his vessel, holguin requested the aztec prince to put an end to the combat by commanding his people in the other canoes to surrender. but, with a dejected air, he replied, “it is not necessary. they will fight no longer, when they see that their prince is taken.” he spoke truth. the news of guatemozin’s capture spread rapidly through the fleet, and on shore, where the mexicans were still engaged in conflict with their enemies. it ceased, however, at once. they made no further resistance; and those on the water quickly followed the brigantines, which conveyed their captive monarch to land. it seemed as if the fight had been maintained thus long the better to divert the enemy’s attention and cover their master’s retreat.[119]

meanwhile, sandoval, on receiving tidings of the capture, brought his own brigantine alongside of holguin’s and demanded the royal prisoner to be surrendered to him. but the captain claimed him as his prize. a dispute arose between the parties, each anxious to have the glory of the deed, and perhaps the privilege of commemorating it on his escutcheon. the controversy continued so long that it reached the ears of cortés, who, in his station on the azotea, had learned with no little satisfaction the capture of his enemy. he instantly sent orders to his wrangling officers to bring{102} guatemozin before him, that he might adjust the difference between them.[120] he charged them, at the same time, to treat their prisoner with respect. he then made preparations for the interview, caused the terrace to be carpeted with crimson cloth and matting, and a table to be spread with provisions, of which the unhappy aztecs stood so much in need.[121] his lovely indian mistress, do?a marina, was present to act as interpreter. she had stood by his side through all the troubled scenes of the conquest, and she was there now to witness its triumphant termination.

guatemozin, on landing, was escorted by a company of infantry to the presence of the spanish commander. he mounted the azotea with a calm and steady step, and was easily to be distinguished from his attendant nobles, though his full, dark eye was no longer lighted up with its accustomed fire, and his features wore an expression of passive resignation, that told little of the fierce and fiery spirit that burned within. his head was large, his limbs well proportioned, his complexion fairer than{103} that of his bronze-colored nation, and his whole deportment singularly mild and engaging.[122]

cortés came forward with a dignified and studied courtesy to receive him. the aztec monarch probably knew the person of his conqueror,{*} for he first broke silence by saying, “i have done all that i could to defend myself and my people. i am now reduced to this state. you will deal with me, malinche, as you list.” then, laying his hand on the hilt of a poniard stuck in the general’s belt, he added, with vehemence, “better despatch me with this, and rid me of life at once.”[123] cortés was filled with admiration at the proud bearing of the young barbarian, showing in his reverses a spirit worthy of an ancient roman. “fear not,” he replied: “you shall be treated with all honor. you have defended your capital like a brave warrior. a spaniard knows how to respect valor even in an{104} enemy.”[124] he then inquired of him where he had left the princess his wife; and, being informed that she still remained under protection of a spanish guard on board the brigantine, the general sent to have her escorted to his presence.

{*} [it was unnecessary to qualify the statement, as they had often seen each other at the court of montezuma. alaman, conquista de méjico (trad. de vega), tom. ii. p. 211, note.—k.]

she was the youngest daughter of montezuma, and was hardly yet on the verge of womanhood. on the accession of her cousin guatemozin to the throne, she had been wedded to him as his lawful wife.[125] she is celebrated by her contemporaries for her personal charms; and the beautiful princess tecuichpo is still commemorated by the spaniards, since from her by a subsequent marriage are descended some of the illustrious families of their own nation.[126] she was kindly received by cortés, who showed her the respectful attentions suited to her rank. her birth, no doubt, gave her an additional interest in his eyes, and he may have felt some touch of compunction as he gazed on the daughter of the unfortunate montezuma. he invited his royal captives to partake of the refreshments which their exhausted condition rendered so necessary. meanwhile the spanish commander made his dispositions for the night, ordering{105} sandoval to escort the prisoners to cojohuacan, whither he proposed himself immediately to follow. the other captains, olid and alvarado, were to draw off their forces to their respective quarters. it was impossible for them to continue in the capital, where the poisonous effluvia from the unburied carcasses loaded the air with infection. a small guard only was stationed to keep order in the wasted suburbs. it was the hour of vespers when guatemozin surrendered,[127] and the siege might be considered as then concluded. the evening set in dark, and the rain began to fall before the several parties had evacuated the city.[128]{106}

during the night, a tremendous tempest, such as the spaniards had rarely witnessed, and such as is known only within the tropics, burst over the mexican valley. the thunder, reverberating from the rocky amphitheatre of hills, bellowed over the waste of waters, and shook the teocallis and crazy tenements of tenochtitlan—the few that yet survived—to their foundations. the lightning seemed to cleave asunder the vault of heaven, as its vivid flashes wrapped the whole scene in a ghastly glare, for a moment, to be again swallowed up in darkness. the war of elements was in unison with the fortunes of the ruined city. it seemed as if the deities of anahuac, scared from their ancient abodes, were borne along shrieking and howling in the blast, as they abandoned the fallen capital to its fate![129]

on the day following the surrender, guatemozin requested the spanish commander to allow the mexicans to leave the city and to pass unmolested into the open country. to this cortés readily assented, as, indeed, without it he could take no steps for purifying the capital. he gave his orders, accordingly, for the evacuation of the place, commanding that no one, spaniard or confederate, should offer violence to the aztecs or in any way obstruct their departure. the whole{107} number of these is variously estimated at from thirty to seventy thousand, besides women and children, who had survived the sword, pestilence, and famine.[130] it is certain they were three days in defiling along the several causeways,—a mournful train;[131] husbands and wives, parents and children, the sick and the wounded, leaning on one another for support, as they feebly tottered along, squalid, and but half covered with rags, that disclosed at every step hideous gashes, some recently received, others festering from long neglect, and carrying with them an atmosphere of contagion. their wasted forms and famine-stricken faces told the whole history of the siege; and, as the straggling files gained the opposite shore, they were observed to pause from time to time, as if to take one more look at the spot so lately crowned by the imperial city, once their pleasant home, and endeared to them by many a glorious recollection.

on the departure of the inhabitants, measures were immediately taken to purify the place, by means of numerous fires kept burning day and night, especially in the infected quarter of tlate{108}lolco, and by collecting the heaps of dead, which lay mouldering in the streets, and consigning them to the earth. of the whole number who perished in the course of the siege it is impossible to form any probable computation. the accounts range widely, from one hundred and twenty thousand, the lowest estimate, to two hundred and forty thousand.[132] the number of the spaniards who fell was comparatively small, but that of the allies must have been large if the historian of tezcuco is correct in asserting that thirty thousand perished of his own countrymen alone.[133] that the number of those destroyed within the city was immense cannot be doubted, when we consider that besides its own redundant population, it was thronged with that of the neighboring towns, who, distrusting{109} their strength to resist the enemy, sought protection within its walls.

the booty found there—that is, the treasures of gold and jewels, the only booty of much value in the eyes of the spaniards—fell far below their expectations. it did not exceed, according to the general’s statement, a hundred and thirty thousand castellanos of gold, including the sovereign’s share, which, indeed, taking into account many articles of curious and costly workmanship, voluntarily relinquished by the army, greatly exceeded his legitimate fifth.[134] yet the aztecs must have been in possession of a much larger treasure, if it were only the wreck of that recovered from the spaniards on the night of the memorable flight from mexico. some of the spoil may have been sent away from the capital, some spent in preparations of defence, and more of it buried in the earth, or sunk in the water of the lake. their menaces were not without a meaning. they had, at least, the satisfaction of disappointing the avarice of their enemies.

cortés had no further occasion for the presence of his indian allies. he assembled the chiefs of the different squadrons, thanked them for their services, noticed their valor in flattering terms, and, after distributing presents among them, with the assurance that his master the emperor would recompense their fidelity yet more largely, dismissed them to their own homes. they carried off a liberal share of the spoils of which they had plun{110}dered the dwellings,—not of a kind to excite the cupidity of the spaniards,—and returned in triumph, short-sighted triumph! at the success of their expedition and the downfall of the aztec dynasty.

great, also, was the satisfaction of the spaniards at this brilliant termination of their long and laborious campaign. they were, indeed, disappointed at the small amount of treasure found in the conquered city. but the soldier is usually too much absorbed in the present to give much heed to the future; and, though their discontent showed itself afterwards in a more clamorous form, they now thought only of their triumph, and abandoned themselves to jubilee. cortés celebrated the event by a banquet, as sumptuous as circumstances would permit, to which all the cavaliers and officers were invited. loud and long was their revelry, which was carried to such an excess as provoked the animadversion of father olmedo, who intimated that this was not the fitting way to testify their sense of the favors shown them by the almighty. cortés admitted the justice of the rebuke, but craved some indulgence for a soldier’s license in the hour of victory. the following day was appointed for the commemoration of their successes in a more suitable manner.

a procession of the whole army was then formed, with father olmedo at its head. the soiled and tattered banners of castile, which had waved over many a field of battle, now threw their shadows on the peaceful array of the soldiery, as they slowly moved along, rehearsing the litany,{111} and displaying the image of the virgin and the blessed symbol of man’s redemption. the reverend father pronounced a discourse, in which he briefly reminded the troops of their great cause for thankfulness to providence for conducting them safe through their long and perilous pilgrimage; and, dwelling on the responsibility incurred by their present position, he besought them not to abuse the rights of conquest, but to treat the unfortunate indians with humanity. the sacrament was then administered to the commander-in-chief and the principal cavaliers, and the services concluded with a solemn thanksgiving to the god of battles, who had enabled them to carry the banner of the cross triumphant over this barbaric empire.[135]

thus, after a siege of nearly three months’ duration, unmatched in history for the constancy and courage of the besieged, seldom surpassed for the severity of its sufferings, fell the renowned capital of the aztecs. unmatched, it may be truly said, for constancy and courage, when we recollect that the door of capitulation on the most honorable terms was left open to them throughout the whole blockade, and that, sternly rejecting every proposal of their enemy, they, to a man, preferred to die rather than surrender. more than three centuries had elapsed since the aztecs, a poor and wandering tribe from the far northwest, had come on the plateau. there they built their miserable col{112}lection of huts on the spot—as tradition tells us—prescribed by the oracle. their conquests, at first confined to their immediate neighborhood, gradually covered the valley, then, crossing the mountains, swept over the broad extent of the table-land, descended its precipitous sides, and rolled onwards to the mexican gulf and the distant confines of central america. their wretched capital, meanwhile, keeping pace with the enlargement of territory, had grown into a flourishing city, filled with buildings, monuments of art, and a numerous population, that gave it the first rank among the capitals of the western world. at this crisis came over another race from the remote east, strangers like themselves, whose coming had also been predicted by the oracle, and, appearing on the plateau, assailed them in the very zenith of their prosperity, and blotted them out from the map of nations forever! the whole story has the air of fable rather than of history! a legend of romance,—a tale of the genii!

yet we cannot regret the fall of an empire which did so little to promote the happiness of its subjects or the real interests of humanity. notwithstanding the lustre thrown over its latter days by the glorious defence of its capital, by the mild munificence of montezuma, by the dauntless heroism of guatemozin, the aztecs were emphatically a fierce and brutal race, little calculated, in their best aspects, to excite our sympathy and regard. their civilization, such as it was, was not their own, but reflected, perhaps imperfectly, from a race whom they had succeeded in the land. it was, in respect{113} to the aztecs, a generous graft on a vicious stock, and could have brought no fruit to perfection. they ruled over their wide domains with a sword, instead of a sceptre. they did nothing to ameliorate the condition or in any way promote the progress of their vassals. their vassals were serfs, used only to minister to their pleasure, held in awe by armed garrisons, ground to the dust by imposts in peace, by military conscriptions in war. they did not, like the romans, whom they resembled in the nature of their conquests, extend the rights of citizenship to the conquered. they did not amalgamate them into one great nation, with common rights and interests. they held them as aliens,—even those who in the valley were gathered round the very walls of the capital. the aztec metropolis, the heart of the monarchy, had not a sympathy, not a pulsation, in common with the rest of the body politic. it was a stranger in its own land.

the aztecs not only did not advance the condition of their vassals, but, morally speaking, they did much to degrade it. how can a nation where human sacrifices prevail, and especially when combined with cannibalism, further the march of civilization? how can the interests of humanity be consulted, where man is levelled to the rank of the brutes that perish? the influence of the aztecs introduced their gloomy superstition into lands before unacquainted with it, or where, at least, it was not established in any great strength. the example of the capital was contagious. as the latter increased in opulence, the religious celebrations were conducted with still more terrible magnificence; in{114} the same manner as the gladiatorial shows of the romans increased in pomp with the increasing splendor of the capital. men became familiar with scenes of horror and the most loathsome abominations. women and children—the whole nation—became familiar with and assisted at them. the heart was hardened, the manners were made ferocious, the feeble light of civilization, transmitted from a milder race, was growing fainter and fainter, as thousands and thousands of miserable victims, throughout the empire, were yearly fattened in its cages, sacrificed on its altars, dressed and served at its banquets! the whole land was converted into vast human shambles! the empire of the aztecs did not fall before its time.

whether these unparalleled outrages furnish a sufficient plea to the spaniards for their invasion, whether, with the protestant, we are content to find a warrant for it in the natural rights and demands of civilization, or, with the roman catholic, in the good pleasure of the pope,—on the one or other of which grounds the conquests by most christian nations in the east and the west have been defended,—it is unnecessary to discuss, as it has already been considered in a former chapter. it is more material to inquire whether, assuming the right, the conquest of mexico was conducted with a proper regard to the claims of humanity. and here we must admit that, with all allowance for the ferocity of the age and the laxity of its principles, there are passages which every spaniard who cherishes the fame of his countrymen would be glad to see expunged from their history; passages not to be{115} vindicated on the score of self-defence, or of necessity of any kind, and which must forever leave a dark spot on the annals of the conquest. and yet, taken as a whole, the invasion, up to the capture of the capital, was conducted on principles less revolting to humanity than most, perhaps than any, of the other conquests of the castilian crown in the new world.

it may seem slight praise to say that the followers of cortés used no blood-hounds to hunt down their wretched victims, as in some other parts of the continent, nor exterminated a peaceful and submissive population in mere wantonness of cruelty, as in the islands. yet it is something that they were not so far infected by the spirit of the age, and that their swords were rarely stained with blood unless it was indispensable to the success of their enterprise. even in the last siege of the capital, the sufferings of the aztecs, terrible as they were, do not imply any unusual cruelty in the victors; they were not greater than those inflicted on their own countrymen at home, in many a memorable instance, by the most polished nations, not merely of ancient times, but of our own. they were the inevitable consequences which follow from war when, instead of being confined to its legitimate field, it is brought home to the hearthstone, to the peaceful community of the city,—its burghers untrained to arms, its women and children yet more defenceless. in the present instance, indeed, the sufferings of the besieged were in a great degree to be charged on themselves,—on their patriotic but desperate self-devotion. it was not the desire, as certainly{116} it was not the interest, of the spaniards to destroy the capital or its inhabitants. when any of these fell into their hands, they were kindly entertained, their wants supplied, and every means taken to infuse into them a spirit of conciliation; and this, too, it should be remembered, in despite of the dreadful doom to which they consigned their christian captives. the gates of a fair capitulation were kept open, though unavailingly, to the last hour.

the right of conquest necessarily implies that of using whatever force may be necessary for overcoming resistance to the assertion of that right. for the spaniards to have done otherwise than they did would have been to abandon the siege, and, with it, the conquest of the country. to have suffered the inhabitants, with their high-spirited monarch, to escape, would but have prolonged the miseries of war by transferring it to another and more inaccessible quarter. they literally, so far as the success of the expedition was concerned, had no choice. if our imagination is struck with the amount of suffering in this and in similar scenes of the conquest, it should be borne in mind that it was a natural result of the great masses of men engaged in the conflict. the amount of suffering does not of itself show the amount of cruelty which caused it; and it is but justice to the conquerors of mexico to say that the very brilliancy and importance of their exploits have given a melancholy celebrity to their misdeeds, and thrown them into somewhat bolder relief than strictly belongs to them. it is proper that thus much should be stated, not to excuse their excesses, but that we may be enabled to{117} make a more impartial estimate of their conduct as compared with that of other nations under similar circumstances, and that we may not visit them with peculiar obloquy for evils which necessarily flow from the condition of war.[136] i have not drawn a veil over these evils; for the historian should not shrink from depicting in their true colors the atrocities of a condition over which success is apt to throw a false halo of glory, but which, bursting asunder the strong bonds of human fellowship, purchases its triumphs by arming the hand of man against his brother, makes a savage of the civilized, and kindles the fires of hell in the bosom of the savage.

whatever may be thought of the conquest in a moral view, regarded as a military achievement it must fill us with astonishment. that a handful of adventurers, indifferently armed and equipped, should have landed on the shores of a powerful empire inhabited by a fierce and warlike race, and, in defiance of the reiterated prohibitions of its sov{118}ereign, have forced their way into the interior;—that they should have done this without knowledge of the language or of the land, without chart or compass to guide them, without any idea of the difficulties they were to encounter, totally uncertain whether the next step might bring them on a hostile nation or on a desert, feeling their way along in the dark, as it were;—that, though nearly overwhelmed in their first encounter with the inhabitants, they should have still pressed on to the capital of the empire, and, having reached it, thrown themselves unhesitatingly into the midst of their enemies;—that, so far from being daunted by the extraordinary spectacle there exhibited of power and civilization, they should have been but the more confirmed in their original design;—that they should have seized the monarch, have executed his ministers before the eyes of his subjects, and, when driven forth with ruin from the gates, have gathered their scattered wreck together, and, after a system of operations pursued with consummate policy and daring, have succeeded in overturning the capital and establishing their sway over the country;—that all this should have been so effected by a mere handful of indigent adventurers, is a fact little short of the miraculous,—too startling for the probabilities demanded by fiction, and without a parallel in the pages of history.

yet this must not be understood too literally; for it would be unjust to the aztecs themselves, at least to their military prowess, to regard the conquest as directly achieved by the spaniards alone. this would indeed be to arm the latter with the charmed{119} shield of ruggiero, and the magic lance of astolfo, overturning its hundreds at a touch. the indian empire was in a manner conquered by indians. the first terrible encounter of the spaniards with the tlascalans, which had nearly proved their ruin, did in fact insure their success. it secured to them a strong native support on which to retreat in the hour of trouble, and round which they could rally the kindred races of the land for one great and overwhelming assault. the aztec monarchy fell by the hands of its own subjects, under the direction of european sagacity and science. had it been united, it might have bidden defiance to the invaders. as it was, the capital was dissevered from the rest of the country, and the bolt, which might have passed off comparatively harmless had the empire been cemented by a common principle of loyalty and patriotism, now found its way into every crack and crevice of the ill-compacted fabric and buried it in its own ruins. its fate may serve as a striking proof that a government which does not rest on the sympathies of its subjects cannot long abide; that human institutions, when not connected with human prosperity and progress, must fall,—if not before the increasing light of civilization, by the hand of violence; by violence from within, if not from without. and who shall lament their fall?

with the events of this book terminates the history, by solís, of the conquista de méjico; a history, in many points of view, the most remarkable in the castilian language. don antonio de solís was born of a respectable family, in october, 1610, at alcalá de henares, the nursery of science, and the name of which is associated in spain with the brightest ornaments of both church and state. solís, while{120} very young, exhibited the sparks of future genius, especially in the vivacity of his imagination and a sensibility to the beautiful. he showed a decided turn for dramatic composition, and produced a comedy, at the age of seventeen, which would have reflected credit on a riper age. he afterwards devoted himself with assiduity to the study of ethics, the fruits of which are visible in the moral reflections which gave a didactic character to the lightest of his compositions.

at the usual age he entered the university of salamanca, and went through the regular course of the canon and civil law. but the imaginative spirit of solís took much more delight in the soft revels of the muses than in the severe discipline of the schools; and he produced a number of pieces for the theatre, much esteemed for the richness of the diction and for the ingenious and delicate texture of the intrigue. his taste for dramatic composition was, no doubt, nourished by his intimacy with the great calderon, for whose dramas he prepared several loas, or prologues. the amiable manners and brilliant acquisitions of solís recommended him to the favor of the conde de oropesa, viceroy of navarre, who made him his secretary. the letters written by him while in the service of this nobleman, and afterwards, have some of them been given to the public, and are much commended for the suavity and elegance of expression characteristic of all the writings of their author.

the increasing reputation of solís attracted the notice of the court, and in 1661 he was made secretary to the queen dowager,—an office which he had declined under philip the fourth,—and he was also preferred to the still more important post of historiographer of the indies, an appointment which stimulated his ambition to a bold career, different from anything he had yet attempted. five years after this event, at the age of fifty-six, he made a most important change in his way of life, by embracing the religious profession, and was admitted to priest’s orders in 1666. from this time he discontinued his addresses to the comic muse, and, if we may credit his biographers, even refused, from conscientious scruples, to engage in the composition of the religious dramas, styled autos sacramentales, although the field was now open to him by the death of the poet calderon. but such tenderness of conscience it seems difficult to reconcile with the publication of his various comedies, which took place in 1681. it is certain, however, that he devoted himself zealously to his new profession, and to the historical studies in which his office of chronicler had engaged him. at length the fruits of these studies were given to the world in his conquista de méjico, which appeared at madrid in 1684. he designed, it is said, to continue the work to the times after the conquest. but, if so, he was unfortunately prevented by his death, which occurred about two years after the publication of his history, on the 13th of april, 1686. he died at the age of seventy-six, much regarded for his virtues and admired for his genius, but in that poverty with which genius and virtue are too often requited.{121}

the miscellaneous poems of solís were collected and published a few years after his death, in one volume quarto; which has since been reprinted. but his great work, that on which his fame is permanently to rest, is his conquista de méjico. notwithstanding the field of history had been occupied by so many eminent spanish scholars, there was still a new career open to solís. his predecessors, with all their merits, had shown a strange ignorance of the principles of art. they had regarded historical writing not as a work of art, but as a science. they had approached it on that side only, and thus divorced it from its legitimate connection with belles-lettres. they had thought only of the useful, and nothing of the beautiful; had addressed themselves to the business of instruction, not to that of giving pleasure; to the man of letters, studious to hive up knowledge, not to the man of leisure, who turns to books as a solace or a recreation. such writers are never in the hands of the many,—not even of the cultivated many. they are condemned to the closet of the student, painfully toiling after truth, and little mindful of the coarse covering under which she may be wrapped. some of the most distinguished of the national historiographers, as, for example, herrera and zurita, two of the greatest names in castile and aragon, fall under this censure. they display acuteness, strength of argument, judicious criticism, wonderful patience and industry in accumulating details for their varied and voluminous compilations; but in all the graces of composition—in elegance of style, skilful arrangement of the story, and selection of incidents—they are lamentably deficient. with all their high merits, intellectually considered, they are so defective on the score of art that they can neither be popular, nor reverenced as the great classics of the nation.

solís saw that the field was unappropriated by his predecessors, and had the address to avail himself of it. instead of spreading himself over a vast range, where he must expend his efforts on cold and barren generalities, he fixed his attention on one great theme,—one that, by its picturesque accompaniments, the romantic incidents of the story, the adventurous character of the actors and their exploits, was associated with many a proud and patriotic feeling in the bosom of the spaniard,—one, in fine, that, by the brilliant contrast it afforded of european civilization to the barbaric splendors of an indian dynasty, was remarkably suited to the kindling imagination of the poet. it was accordingly under its poetic aspect that the eye of solís surveyed it. he distributed the whole subject with admirable skill, keeping down the subordinate parts, bringing the most important into high relief, and by a careful study of its proportions giving an admirable symmetry to the whole. instead of bewildering the attention by a variety of objects, he presented to it one great and predominant idea, which shed its light, if i may so say, over his whole work. instead of the numerous episodes, leading, like so many blind galleries, to nothing, he took the student along a great road, conducting straight towards the mark.{122} at every step which we take in the narrative, we feel ourselves on the advance. the story never falters or stands still. that admirable liaison of the parts is maintained, by which one part is held to another, and each preceding event prepares the way for that which is to follow. even those occasional interruptions, the great stumbling-block of the historian, which cannot be avoided, in consequence of the important bearing which the events that cause them have on the story, are managed with such address that, if the interest is suspended, it is never snapped. such halting-places, indeed, are so contrived as to afford a repose not unwelcome after the stirring scenes in which the reader has been long involved; as the traveller, exhausted by the fatigues of his journey, finds refreshment at places which in their own character have little to recommend them.

the work, thus conducted, affords the interest of a grand spectacle,—of some well-ordered drama, in which scene succeeds to scene, act to act, each unfolding and preparing the mind for the one that is to follow, until the whole is consummated by the grand and decisive dénouement. with this dénouement, the fall of mexico, solís has closed his history, preferring to leave the full impression unbroken on the reader’s mind rather than to weaken it by prolonging the narrative to the conqueror’s death. in this he certainly consulted effect.

solís used the same care in regard to style that he showed in the arrangement of his story. it is elaborated with the nicest art, and displays that varied beauty and brilliancy which remind us of those finely variegated woods which, under a high polish, display all the rich tints that lie beneath the surface. yet this style finds little favor with foreign critics, who are apt to condemn it as tumid, artificial, and verbose. but let the foreign critic beware how he meddles with style, that impalpable essence which surrounds thought as with an atmosphere, giving to it its life and peculiar tone of color, differing in different nations, like the atmospheres which envelop the different planets of our system, and which require to be comprehended that we may interpret the character of the objects seen through their medium. none but a native can pronounce with any confidence upon style, affected as it is by so many casual and local associations that determine its propriety and its elegance. in the judgment of eminent spanish critics, the style of solís claims the merits of perspicuity, copiousness, and classic elegance. even the foreigner will not be insensible to its power of conveying a living picture to the eye. words are the colors of the writer, and solís uses them with the skill of a consummate artist; now displaying the dark tumult of battle, and now refreshing the mind by scenes of quiet magnificence or of soft luxury and repose.

solís formed himself to some extent on the historical models of antiquity. he introduced set speeches into the mouths of his personages, speeches of his own composing. the practice may claim high authority among moderns as well as ancients, especially among the{123} great italian historians. it has its advantages, in enabling the writer to convey in a dramatic form the sentiments of the actors, and thus to maintain the charm of historic illusion by never introducing the person of the historian. it has also another advantage, that of exhibiting the author’s own sentiments under cover of his hero’s,—a more effective mode than if they were introduced as his own. but to one trained in the school of the great english historians the practice has something in it unsatisfactory and displeasing. there is something like deception in it. the reader is unable to determine what are the sentiments of the characters and what those of the author. history assumes the air of romance, and the bewildered student wanders about in an uncertain light, doubtful whether he is treading on fact or fiction.

it is open to another objection, when, as it frequently does, it violates the propriety of costume. nothing is more difficult than to preserve the keeping of the piece when the new is thus laid on the old,—the imitation of the antique on the antique itself. the declamations of solís are much prized as specimens of eloquence. but they are too often misplaced; and the rude characters in whose mouths they are inserted are as little in keeping with them as were the roman heroes with the fashionable wig and sword with which they strutted on the french stage in louis the fourteenth’s time.

as to the value of the researches made by solís in the compilation of his work it is not easy to speak, for the page is supported by none of the notes and references which enable us to track the modern author to the quarry whence he has drawn his materials. it was not the usage of the age. the people of that day, and, indeed, of preceding times, were content to take the author’s word for his facts. they did not require to know why he affirmed this thing or doubted that; whether he built his story on the authority of a friend or of a foe, of a writer of good report or of evil report. in short, they did not demand a reason for their faith. they were content to take it on trust. this was very comfortable to the historian. it saved him a world of trouble in the process, and it prevented the detection of error, or, at least, of negligence. it prevented it with all who did not carefully go over the same ground with himself. they who have occasion to do this with solís will probably rise from the examination with no very favorable idea of the extent of his researches; they will find that, though his situation gave him access to the most valuable repositories in the kingdom, he rarely ascends to original documents, but contents himself with the most obvious and accessible; that he rarely discriminates between the contemporary testimony and that of later date; in a word, that in all that constitutes the scientific value of history he falls far below his learned predecessor herrera,—rapid as was the composition of this last.

another objection that may be made to solís is his bigotry, or rather his fanaticism. this defect, so repugnant to the philosophic spirit which should preside over the labors of the historian, he pos{124}sessed, it is true, in common with many of his countrymen. but in him it was carried to an uncommon height; and it was peculiarly unfortunate, since his subject, being the contest between the christian and the infidel, naturally drew forth the full display of this failing. instead of regarding the benighted heathen with the usual measure of aversion in which they were held in the peninsula after the subjugation of granada, he considered them as part of the grand confederacy of satan, not merely breathing the spirit and acting under the invisible influence of the prince of darkness, but holding personal communication with him. he seems to have regarded them, in short, as his regular and organized militia. in this view, every act of the unfortunate enemy was a crime. even good acts were misrepresented, or referred to evil motives; for how could goodness originate with the spirit of evil? no better evidence of the results of this way of thinking need be given than that afforded by the ill-favored and unauthorized portrait which the historian has left us of montezuma,—even in his dying hours. the war of the conquest was, in short, in the historian’s eye, a conflict between light and darkness, between the good principle and the evil principle, between the soldiers of satan and the chivalry of the cross. it was a holy war, in which the sanctity of the cause covered up the sins of the conquerors, and every one—the meanest soldier who fell in it—might aspire to the crown of martyrdom. with sympathies thus preoccupied, what room was there for that impartial criticism which is the life of history?

the historian’s overweening partiality to the conquerors is still further heightened by those feelings of patriotism—a bastard patriotism—which, identifying the writer’s own glory with that of his countrymen, makes him blind to their errors. this partiality is especially shown in regard to cortés, the hero of the piece. the lights and shadows of the picture are all disposed with reference to this principal character. the good is ostentatiously paraded before us, and the bad is winked out of sight. solís does not stop here, but, by the artful gloss which makes the worse appear the better cause, he calls on us to admire his hero sometimes for his very transgressions. no one, not even gomara himself, is such a wholesale encomiast of the great conqueror; and, when his views are contradicted by the statements of honest diaz, solís is sure to find a motive for the discrepancy in some sinister purpose of the veteran. he knows more of cortés, of his actions and his motives, than his companion in arms or his admiring chaplain.

in this way solís has presented a beautiful image of his hero,—but it is a hero of romance; a character without a blemish. an eminent castilian critic has commended him for “having conducted his history with so much art that it has become a panegyric.” this may be true; but, if history be panegyric, panegyric is not history.

yet, with all these defects,—the existence of which no candid critic will be disposed to deny,—the history of solís has found such favor{125} with his own countrymen that it has been printed and reprinted, with all the refinements of editorial luxury. it has been translated into the principal languages of europe; and such is the charm of its composition, and its exquisite finish as a work of art, that it will doubtless be as imperishable as the language in which it is written, or the memory of the events which it records.

at this place also we are to take leave of father sahagun, who has accompanied us through our narrative. as his information was collected from the traditions of the natives, the contemporaries of the conquest, it has been of considerable importance in corroborating or contradicting the statements of the conquerors. yet its value in this respect is much impaired by the wild and random character of many of the aztec traditions,—so absurd, indeed, as to carry their own refutation with them. where the passions are enlisted, what is too absurd to find credit?

the twelfth book—as it would appear from his preface, the ninth book originally—of his historia de la nueva-espa?a is devoted to the account of the conquest. in 1585, thirty years after the first draft, he re-wrote this part of his great work, moved to it, as he tells us, “by the desire to correct the defects of the first account, in which some things had found their way that had better been omitted, and other things omitted which were well deserving of record.”{*} it might be supposed that the obloquy which the missionary had brought on his head by his honest recital of the aztec traditions would have made him more circumspect in this rifacimento of his former narrative. but i have not found it so, or that there has been any effort to mitigate the statements that bore hardest on his countrymen. as this manuscript copy must have been that which the author himself deemed the most correct, since it is his last revision, and as it is more copious than the printed narrative, i have been usually guided by it.

se?or bustamante is mistaken in supposing that the edition of this twelfth book which he published in mexico in 1829 is from the reformed copy of sahagun. the manuscript cited in these pages is undoubtedly a transcript of that copy. for in the preface to it, as we have seen, the author himself declares it. in the intrinsic value of the two drafts there is, after all, but little difference.

{*} [“en el libro nono, donde se trata esta conquista, se hiciéron ciertos defectos; y fué, que algunas cosas se pusiéron en la narracion de este conquista que fuéron mal puestas; y otras se calláron, que fuéron mal calladas. por esta causa, este a?o de mil quinientos ochenta y cinco, enmende este libro.” ms.]