defection of olid—dreadful march to honduras—execution of guatemozin—do?a marina—arrival at honduras

1524-1526

in the last chapter we have seen that cristóval de olid was sent by cortés to plant a colony in honduras. the expedition was attended with consequences which had not been foreseen. made giddy by the possession of power, olid, when he had reached his place of destination, determined to assert an independent jurisdiction for himself. his distance from mexico, he flattered himself, might enable him to do so with impunity. he misunderstood the character of cortés, when he supposed that any distance would be great enough to shield a rebel from his vengeance.

it was long before the general received tidings of olid’s defection. but no sooner was he satisfied of this than he despatched to honduras a trusty captain and kinsman, francisco de las casas, with directions to arrest his disobedient officer. las casas was wrecked on the coast, and fell into olid’s hands, but eventually suc{176}ceeded in raising an insurrection in the settlement, seized the person of olid, and beheaded that unhappy delinquent in the market-place of naco.[198]

of these proceedings, cortés learned only what related to the shipwreck of his lieutenant. he saw all the mischievous consequences that must arise from olid’s example, especially if his defection were to go unpunished. he determined to take the affair into his own hands, and to lead an expedition in person to honduras. he would thus, moreover, be enabled to ascertain from personal inspection the resources of the country, which were reputed great on the score of mineral wealth, and would perhaps detect the point of communication between the great oceans, which had so long eluded the efforts of the spanish discoverers. he was still further urged to this step by the uncomfortable position in which he had found himself of late in the capital. several functionaries had recently been sent from the mother country for the ostensible purpose of administering the colonial revenues. but they served as spies on the general’s conduct, caused him many petty annoyances, and sent back to court the most malicious reports of his purposes and proceedings. cortés, in short, now that he was made governor-general of the country, had less real power than when he held no legal commission at all.

the spanish force which he took with him did not probably exceed a hundred horse and forty or perhaps fifty foot; to which were added about three{177} thousand indian auxiliaries.[199] among them were guatemozin and the cacique of tacuba, with a few others of highest rank, whose consideration with their countrymen would make them an obvious nucleus round which disaffection might gather. the general’s personal retinue consisted of several pages, young men of good family, and among them montejo, the future conqueror of yucatan; a butler and steward; several musicians, dancers, jugglers, and buffoons, showing, it might seem, more of the effeminacy of an oriental satrap than the hardy valor of a spanish cavalier.[200] yet the imputation of effeminacy is sufficiently disproved by the terrible march which he accomplished.

towards the end of october, 1524, cortés began his march. as he descended the sides of the cordilleras, he was met by many of his old companions in arms, who greeted their commander with a hearty welcome, and some of them left their estates to join the expedition.[201] he halted in the province of coatzacualco (huazacualco) until he could receive intelligence respecting his route from the natives of tabasco. they furnished him with a map, exhibiting the principal places whither the indian traders who wandered over these wild regions were in the habit of resorting. with the aid of this map,{178} a compass, and such guides as from time to time he could pick up on his journey, he proposed to traverse that broad and level tract which forms the base of yucatan and spreads from the coatzacualco river to the head of the gulf of honduras. “i shall give your majesty,” he begins his celebrated letter to the emperor, describing this expedition, “an account, as usual, of the most remarkable events of my journey, every one of which might form the subject of a separate narration.” cortés did not exaggerate.[202]{179}

the beginning of the march lay across a low and marshy level, intersected by numerous little streams, which form the head-waters of the rio de tabasco, and of the other rivers that discharge themselves, to the north, into the mexican gulf. the smaller streams they forded, or passed in canoes, suffering their horses to swim across as they held them by the bridle. rivers of more formidable size they crossed on floating bridges. it gives one some idea of the difficulties they had to encounter in this way, when it is stated that the spaniards were obliged to construct no less than fifty of these bridges in a distance of less than a hundred miles![203] one of them was more than nine hundred paces in length. their troubles were much augmented by the difficulty of obtaining subsistence, as the natives frequently set fire to their villages on their approach, leaving to the way-worn adventurers only a pile of smoking ruins.

it would be useless to encumber the page with the names of indian towns which lay in the route of the army, but which may be now obsolete, and, at all events, have never found their way into a map of the country.[204] the first considerable place{180} which they reached was iztapan, pleasantly situated in the midst of a fruitful region, on the banks of one of the tributaries of the rio de tabasco. such was the extremity to which the spaniards had already, in the course of a few weeks, been reduced by hunger and fatigue, that the sight of a village in these dreary solitudes was welcomed by his followers, says cortés, “with a shout of joy that was echoed back from all the surrounding woods.” the army was now at no great distance from the ancient city of palenque, the subject of so much speculation in our time. the village of las tres cruzes, indeed, situated between twenty and thirty miles from palenque, is said still to commemorate the passage of the conquerors by the existence of three crosses which they left there. yet no allusion is made to the ancient capital. was it then the abode of a populous and flourishing community, such as once occupied it, to judge from the extent and magnificence of its remains? or was it, even then, a heap of mouldering ruins, buried in a wilderness of vegetation, and thus hidden from the knowledge of the surrounding country? if the former, the silence of cortés is not easy to be explained.

on quitting iztapan, the spaniards struck across a country having the same character of a low and marshy soil, checkered by occasional patches of cultivation, and covered with forests of cedar and brazil wood, which seemed absolutely interminable. the overhanging foliage threw so{181} deep a shade that, as cortés says, the soldiers could not see where to set their feet.[205] to add to their perplexity, their guides deserted them; and, when they climbed to the summits of the tallest trees, they could see only the same cheerless, interminable line of waving woods. the compass and the map furnished the only clue to extricate them from this gloomy labyrinth; and cortés and his officers, among whom was the constant sandoval, spreading out their chart on the ground, anxiously studied the probable direction of their route. their scanty supplies meanwhile had entirely failed them, and they appeased the cravings of appetite by such roots as they dug out of the earth, or by the nuts and berries that grew wild in the woods. numbers fell sick, and many of the indians sank by the way, and died of absolute starvation.

when at length the troops emerged from these dismal forests, their path was crossed by a river of great depth, and far wider than any which they had hitherto traversed. the soldiers, disheartened, broke out into murmurs against their leader, who was plunging them deeper and deeper in a boundless wilderness, where they must lay their bones. it was in vain that cortés encouraged them to construct a floating bridge, which might take them to the opposite bank of the river. it seemed a work of appalling magnitude, to which their wasted strength was unequal. he was more successful in his appeal to the indian auxiliaries, till his own{182} men, put to shame by the ready obedience of the latter, engaged in the work with a hearty good will, which enabled them, although ready to drop from fatigue, to accomplish it at the end of four days. it was, indeed, the only expedient by which they could hope to extricate themselves from their perilous situation. the bridge consisted of one thousand pieces of timber, each of the thickness of a man’s body and full sixty feet long.[206] when we consider that the timber was all standing in the forest at the commencement of the labor, it must be admitted to have been an achievement worthy of the spaniards. the well-compacted beams presented a solid structure which nothing, says cortés, but fire could destroy. it excited the admiration of the natives, who came from a great distance to see it; and “the bridge of cortés” remained for many a year the enduring monument of that commander’s energy and perseverance.

the arrival of the army on the opposite bank of the river involved them in new difficulties. the ground was so soft and saturated with water that the horses floundered up to their girths, and, sometimes plunging into quagmires, were nearly buried in the mud. it was with the greatest difficulty that they could be extricated by covering the wet soil with the foliage and the boughs of trees, when a stream of water, which forced its way through the heart of the morass, furnished the jaded animals with the means of effecting their escape by swim{183}ming.[207] as the spaniards emerged from these slimy depths, they came on a broad and rising ground, which, by its cultivated fields teeming with maize, agi, or pepper of the country, and the yuca plant, intimated their approach to the capital of the fruitful province of aculan. it was in the beginning of lent, 1525, a period memorable for an event of which i shall give the particulars from the narrative of cortés.

the general at this place was informed, by one of the indian converts in his train, that a conspiracy had been set on foot by guatemozin, with the cacique of tacuba, and some other of the principal indian nobles, to massacre the spaniards. they would seize the moment when the army should be entangled in the passage of some defile, or some frightful morass like that from which it had just escaped, where, taken at disadvantage, it could be easily overpowered by the superior number of the mexicans. after the slaughter of the troops, the indians would continue their march to honduras and cut off the spanish settlements there. their success would lead to a rising in the{184} capital, and, indeed, throughout the land, until every spaniard should be exterminated, and the vessels in the ports be seized, and secured from carrying the tidings across the waters.

no sooner had cortés learned the particulars of this formidable plot than he arrested guatemozin and the principal aztec lords in his train. the latter admitted the fact of the conspiracy, but alleged that it had been planned by guatemozin and that they had refused to come into it. guatemozin and the chief of tacuba neither admitted nor denied the truth of the accusation, but maintained a dogged silence. such is the statement of cortés.[208] bernal diaz, however, who was present in the expedition, assures us that both guatemozin and the cacique of tacuba declared their innocence. they had indeed, they said, talked more than once together of the sufferings they were then enduring, and had said that death was preferable to seeing so many of their poor followers dying daily around them. they admitted, also, that a project for rising on the spaniards had been discussed by some of the aztecs; but guatemozin had discouraged it from the first, and no scheme of the kind could have been put into execution without his knowledge and consent.[209] these protestations did not avail the unfortunate princes; and cortés, having satisfied, or affected to satisfy, himself of their guilt, ordered them to immediate execution.

when brought to the fatal tree, guatemozin displayed the intrepid spirit worthy of his better days.{185} “i knew what it was,” said he, “to trust to your false promises, malinche; i knew that you had destined me to this fate, since i did not fall by my own hand when you entered my city of tenochtitlan. why do you slay me so unjustly? god will demand it of you!”[210] the cacique of tacuba, protesting his innocence, declared that he desired no better lot than to die by the side of his lord. the unfortunate princes, with one or more inferior nobles (for the number is uncertain), were then executed by being hung from the huge branches of a ceiba-tree which overshadowed the road.[211]

such was the sad end of guatemozin, the last emperor of the aztecs, if we might not rather call him “the last of the aztecs;” since from this time, broken in spirit and without a head, the remnant of the nation resigned itself, almost without a struggle, to the stern yoke of its oppressors. among all the names of barbarian princes, there are few entitled to a higher place on the roll of fame than that of guatemozin. he was young, and his public career was not long; but it was glorious. he was called to the throne in the convulsed and expiring hours of the monarchy, when the banded nations of anahuac and the fierce euro{186}pean were thundering at the gates of the capital. it was a post of tremendous responsibility; but guatemozin’s conduct fully justified the choice of him to fill it. no one can refuse his admiration to the intrepid spirit which could prolong a defence of his city while one stone was left upon another; and our sympathies, for the time, are inevitably thrown more into the scale of the rude chieftain, thus battling for his country’s freedom, than into that of his civilized and successful antagonist.[212]

in reviewing the circumstances of guatemozin’s death, one cannot attach much weight to the charge of conspiracy brought against him. that the indians, brooding over their wrongs and present sufferings, should have sometimes talked of revenge, would not be surprising. but that any chimerical scheme of an insurrection, like that above mentioned, should have been set on foot, or even sanctioned, by guatemozin, is altogether improbable. that prince’s explanation of the affair, as given by diaz, is, to say the least, quite as deserving of credit as the accusation of the indian informer.[213] the defect of testimony and the distance of time{187} make it difficult for us, at the present day, to decide the question. we have a surer criterion of the truth in the opinion of those who were eye-witnesses of the transaction. it is given in the words of the old chronicler so often quoted. “the execution of guatemozin,” says diaz, “was most unjust, and was thought wrong by all of us.”[214]

the most probable explanation of the affair seems to be that guatemozin was a troublesome and, indeed, formidable captive. thus much is intimated by cortés himself, in his letter to the emperor.[215] the fallen sovereign of mexico, by the ascendency of his character, as well as by his previous station, maintained an influence over his countrymen which would have enabled him with a breath, as it were, to rouse their smothered, not extinguished, animosity into rebellion. the spaniards, during the first years after the conquest, lived in constant apprehension of a rising of the aztecs. this is evident from numerous passages in the writings of the time. it was under the same apprehension that cortés consented to embarrass himself with his royal captive on this dreary expedition. and in such distrust did he hold him that, even while in mexico, he neither rode abroad, nor{188} walked to any great distance, according to gomara, without being attended by guatemozin.[216]

parties standing in such relations to each other could have been the objects only of mutual distrust and aversion. the forlorn condition of the spaniards on the present march, which exposed them in a peculiar degree to any sudden assault from their wily indian vassals, increased the suspicions of cortés. thus predisposed to think ill of guatemozin, the general lent a ready ear to the first accusation against him. charges were converted into proofs, and condemnation followed close upon the charges. by a single blow he proposed to rid himself and the state forever of a dangerous enemy,—the more dangerous, that he was an enemy in disguise. had he but consulted his own honor and his good name, guatemozin’s head was the last on which he should have suffered an injury to fall. “he should have cherished him,” to borrow the homely simile of his encomiast, gomara, “like gold in a napkin, as the best trophy of his victories.”[217]

whatever may have been the real motives of his conduct in this affair, it seems to have left the mind of cortés but ill at ease. for a long time he was moody and irritable, and found it difficult to sleep at night. on one occasion, as he was pacing an upper chamber of a teocalli in which he was quartered, he missed his footing in the dark, and{189} was precipitated from a height of some twelve feet to the ground, which occasioned him a severe contusion on the head,—a thing too palpable to be concealed, though he endeavored, says the gossiping diaz, to hide the knowledge of it, as well as he could, from the soldiers.[218]

it was not long after the sad scene of guatemozin’s execution that the wearied troops entered the head town of the great province of aculan; a thriving community of traders, who carried on a profitable traffic with the farthest quarters of central america. cortés notices in general terms the excellence and beauty of the buildings, and the hospitable reception which he experienced from the inhabitants.

after renewing their strength in these comfortable quarters, the spaniards left the capital of aculan, the name of which is to be found on no map, and held on their toilsome way in the direction of what is now called the lake of peten. it was then the property of an emigrant tribe of the hardy maya family, and their capital stood on an island in the lake, “with its houses and lofty teocallis glistening in the sun,” says bernal diaz, “so that it might be seen for the distance of two leagues.”[219] these edifices, built by one of the races of yucatan, displayed, doubtless, the same peculiarities of construction as the remains still to be seen in that remarkable peninsula. but, whatever may have been their architectural merits, they are disposed of in a brief sentence by the conquerors.{190}

the inhabitants of the island showed a friendly spirit, and a docility unlike the warlike temper of their countrymen of yucatan. they willingly listened to the spanish missionaries who accompanied the expedition, as they expounded the christian doctrines through the intervention of marina. the indian interpreter was present throughout this long march, the last in which she remained at the side of cortés. as this, too, is the last occasion on which she will appear in these pages, i will mention, before parting with her, an interesting circumstance that occurred when the army was traversing the province of coatzacualco. this, it may be remembered, was the native country of marina, where her infamous mother sold her, when a child, to some foreign traders, in order to secure her inheritance to a younger brother. cortés halted for some days at this place, to hold a conference with the surrounding caciques on matters of government and religion. among those summoned to this meeting was marina’s mother, who came, attended by her son. no sooner did they make their appearance than all were struck with the great resemblance of the cacique to her daughter. the two parties recognized each other, though they had not met since their separation. the mother, greatly terrified, fancied that she had been decoyed into a snare in order to punish her inhuman conduct. but marina instantly ran up to her, and endeavored to allay her fears, assuring her that she should receive no harm, and, addressing the bystanders, said “that she was sure her mother knew not what she did when she sold her to the traders,{191} and that she forgave her.” then, tenderly embracing her unnatural parent, she gave her such jewels and other little ornaments as she wore about her own person, to win back, as it would seem, her lost affection. marina added that “she felt much happier than before, now that she had been instructed in the christian faith and given up the bloody worship of the aztecs.”[220]

in the course of the expedition to honduras, cortés gave marina away to a castilian knight, don juan xaramillo,[221] to whom she was wedded as his lawful wife. she had estates assigned to her in her native province, where she probably passed the remainder of her days.[222] from this time the name of marina disappears from the page of history. but it has been always held in grateful remembrance by the spaniards, for the important aid which she gave them in effecting the conquest,{192} and by the natives, for the kindness and sympathy which she showed them in their misfortunes. many an indian ballad commemorates the gentle virtues of malinche,—her aztec epithet. even now her spirit, if report be true, watches over the capital which she helped to win; and the peasant is occasionally startled by the apparition of an indian princess, dimly seen through the evening shadows, as it flits among the groves and grottos of the royal hill of chapoltepec.[223]

by the conqueror, marina left one son, don martin cortés. he rose to high consideration, and was made a comendador of the order of st. jago. he was subsequently suspected of treasonable designs against the government; and neither his parents’ extraordinary services, nor his own deserts, could protect him from a cruel persecution; and in 1568 the son of hernando cortés was shamefully subjected to the torture in the very capital which his father had acquired for the castilian crown!

the inhabitants of the isles of peten—to return from our digression—listened attentively to the preaching of the franciscan friars, and consented to the instant demolition of their idols, and the erection of the cross upon their ruins.[224] a singular circumstance showed the value of these hurried conversions. cortés, on his departure, left{193} among this friendly people one of his horses, which had been disabled by an injury in the foot. the indians felt a reverence for the animal, as in some way connected with the mysterious power of the white men. when their visitors had gone, they offered flowers to the horse, and, as it is said, prepared for him many savory messes of poultry, such as they would have administered to their own sick. under this extraordinary diet the poor animal pined away and died. the affrighted indians raised his effigy in stone, and, placing it in one of their teocallis, did homage to it, as to a deity. in 1618, when two franciscan friars came to preach the gospel in these regions, then scarcely better known to the spaniards than before the time of cortés, one of the most remarkable objects which they found was this statue of a horse, receiving the homage of the indian worshippers, as the god of thunder and lightning![225]

it would be wearisome to recount all the perils and hardships endured by the spaniards in the remainder of their journey. it would be repeating only the incidents of the preceding narrative, the same obstacles in their path, the same extremities of famine and fatigue,—hardships more wearing on the spirits than encounters with an enemy, which, if more hazardous, are also more exciting. it is easier to contend with man than with nature. yet i must not omit to mention the passage of the sierra de los pedernales, “the mountain of flints,” which, though only twenty-four miles in{194} extent, consumed no less than twelve days in crossing it! the sharp stones cut the horses’ feet to pieces, while many were lost down the precipices and ravines; so that when they had reached the opposite side sixty-eight of these valuable animals had perished, and the remainder were, for the most part, in an unserviceable condition![226]

the rainy season had now set in, and torrents of water, falling day and night, drenched the adventurers to the skin, and added greatly to their distresses. the rivers, swollen beyond their usual volume, poured along with a terrible impetuosity that defied the construction of bridges; and it was with the greatest difficulty that by laying trunks of trees from one huge rock to another, with which these streams were studded, they effected a perilous passage to the opposite banks.[227]

at length the shattered train drew near the golfo dolce, at the head of the bay of honduras. their route could not have been far from the site of copan, the celebrated city whose architectural ruins have furnished such noble illustrations for the pencil of catherwood. but the spaniards passed on in silence. nor, indeed, can we wonder{195} that at this stage of the enterprise they should have passed on without heeding the vicinity of a city in the wilderness, though it were as glorious as the capital of zenobia; for they were arrived almost within view of the spanish settlements, the object of their long and wearisome pilgrimage.

the place which they were now approaching was naco, or san gil de buena vista, a spanish settlement on the golfo dolce. cortés advanced cautiously, prepared to fall on the town by surprise. he had held on his way with the undeviating step of the north american indian, who, traversing morass and mountain and the most intricate forests, guided by the instinct of revenge, presses straight towards the mark, and, when he has reached it, springs at once on his unsuspecting victim. before cortés made his assault, his scouts fortunately fell in with some of the inhabitants of the place, from whom they received tidings of the death of olid, and of the re-establishment of his own authority. cortés, therefore, entered the place like a friend, and was cordially welcomed by his countrymen, greatly astonished, says diaz, “by the presence among them of the general so renowned throughout these countries.”[228]

the colony was at this time sorely suffering from famine; and to such extremity was it soon reduced that the troops would probably have found a grave in the very spot to which they had looked forward as the goal of their labors, but for the sea{196}sonable arrival of a vessel with supplies from cuba. with a perseverance which nothing could daunt, cortés made an examination of the surrounding country, and occupied a month more in exploring dismal swamps, steaming with unwholesome exhalations, and infected with bilious fevers and with swarms of venomous insects which left peace neither by day nor night. at length he embarked with a part of his forces on board of two brigantines, and, after touching at one or two ports in the bay, anchored off truxillo, the principal spanish settlement on that coast. the surf was too high for him easily to effect a landing; but the inhabitants, overjoyed at his arrival, rushed into the shallow water and eagerly bore back the general in their arms to the shore.[229]

after he had restored the strength and spirits of his men, the indefatigable commander prepared for a new expedition, the object of which was to explore and to reduce the extensive province of nicaragua. one may well feel astonished at the adventurous spirit of the man who, unsubdued by the terrible sufferings of his recent march, should so soon be prepared for another enterprise equally appalling. it is difficult, in this age of sober sense, to conceive the character of a castilian cavalier of the sixteenth century, a true counterpart of which it would not have been easy to find in any other nation, even at that time,—or anywhere, indeed, save in those tales of chivalry, which, however wild and extravagant they may seem, were much more{197} true to character than to situation. the mere excitement of exploring the strange and the unknown was a sufficient compensation to the spanish adventurer for all his toils and trials. it seems to have been ordered by providence that such a race of men should exist contemporaneously with the discovery of the new world, that those regions should be brought to light which were beset with dangers and difficulties so appalling as might have tended to overawe and to discourage the ordinary spirit of adventure. yet cortés, though filled with this spirit, proposed nobler ends to himself than those of the mere vulgar adventurer. in the expedition to nicaragua he designed, as he had done in that to honduras, to ascertain the resources of the country in general, and, above all, the existence of any means of communication between the great oceans on its borders. if none such existed, it would at least establish this fact, the knowledge of which, to borrow his own language, was scarcely less important.

the general proposed to himself the further object of enlarging the colonial empire of castile. the conquest of mexico was but the commencement of a series of conquests. to the warrior who had achieved this, nothing seemed impracticable; and scarcely would anything have been so, had he been properly sustained. it is no great stretch of imagination to see the conqueror of mexico advancing along the provinces of the vast isthmus,—nicaragua, costa rica, and darien,—until he had planted his victorious banner on the shores of the gulf of panamá; and, while it was there fanned by{198} the breezes from the golden south, the land of the incas, to see him gathering such intelligence of this land as would stimulate him to carry his arms still farther, and to anticipate, it might be, the splendid career of pizarro!

but from these dreams of ambition cortés was suddenly aroused by such tidings as convinced him that his absence from mexico was already too far prolonged, and that he must return without delay, if he would save the capital or the country.