we have our prejudices in england. or, if that assertion offends any of my readers, i will modify it: we have had our prejudices in england. we have tortured jews; we have burnt catholics and protestants, to say nothing of a few witches and wizards. we have satirised puritans, and we have dressed-up guys. but, after all, i do not think we have been so bad as our continental friends. to be sure, our insular position has kept us free, to a certain degree, from the inroads of alien races; who, driven from one land of refuge, steal into another equally unwilling to receive them; and where, for long centuries, their presence is barely endured, and no pains is taken to conceal the repugnance which the natives of “pure blood” experience towards them.
there yet remains a remnant of the miserable people called cagots in the valleys of the pyrenées; in the landes near bourdeaux; and, stretching up on the west side of france, their numbers become larger in lower brittany. even now, the origin of these families is a word of shame to them among their neighbours; although they are protected by the law, which confirmed them in the equal rights of citizens about the end of the last century. before then they had lived, for hundreds of years, isolated from all those who boasted of pure blood, and they had been, all this time, oppressed by cruel local edicts. they were truly what they were popularly called, the accursed race.
all distinct traces of their origin are lost. even at the close of that period which we call the middle ages, this was a problem which no one could solve; and as the traces, which even then were faint and uncertain, have vanished away one by one, it is a complete mystery at the present day. why they were accursed in the first instance, why isolated from their kind, no one knows. from the earliest accounts of their state that are yet remaining to us, it seems that the names which they gave each other were ignored by the population they lived amongst, who spoke of them as crestiaa, or cagots, just as we speak of animals by their generic names. their houses or huts were always placed at some distance out of the villages of the country-folk, who unwillingly called in the services of the cagots as carpenters, or tilers, or slaters—trades which seemed appropriated by this unfortunate race—who were forbidden to occupy land, or to bear arms, the usual occupations of those times. they had some small right of pasturage on the common lands, and in the forests: but the number of their cattle and livestock was strictly limited by the earliest laws relating to the cagots. they were forbidden by one act to have more than twenty sheep, a pig, a ram, and six geese. the pig was to be fattened and killed for winter food; the fleece of the sheep was to clothe them; but, if the said sheep had lambs, they were forbidden to eat them. their only privilege arising from this increase was, that they might choose out the strongest and finest in preference to keeping the old sheep. at martinmas the authorities of the commune came round, and counted over the stock of each cagot. if he had more than his appointed number, they were forfeited; half went to the commune, and half to the baillie, or chief magistrate of the commune. the poor beasts were limited as to the amount of common land which they might stray over in search of grass. while the cattle of the inhabitants of the commune might wander hither and thither in search of the sweetest herbage, the deepest shade, or the coolest pool in which to stand on the hot days, and lazily switch their dappled sides, the cagot sheep and pig had to learn imaginary bounds, beyond which if they strayed, any one might snap them up, and kill them, reserving a part of the flesh for his own use, but graciously restoring the inferior parts to their original owner. any damage done by the sheep was, however, fairly appraised, and the cagot paid no more for it than any other man would have done.
did a cagot leave his poor cabin, and venture into the towns, even to render services required of him in the way of his trade, he was bidden, by all the municipal laws, to stand by and remember his rude old state. in all the towns and villages in the large districts extending on both sides of the pyrenées—in all that part of spain—they were forbidden to buy or sell anything eatable, to walk in the middle (esteemed the better) part of the streets, to come within the gates before sunrise, or to be found after sunset within the walls of the town. but still, as the cagots were good-looking men, and (although they bore certain natural marks of their caste, of which i shall speak by-and-by) were not easily distinguished by casual passers-by from other men, they were compelled to wear some distinctive peculiarity which should arrest the eye; and, in the greater number of towns, it was decreed that the outward sign of a cagot should be a piece of red cloth sewed conspicuously on the front of his dress. in other towns, the mark of cagoterie was the foot of a duck or a goose hung over their left shoulder, so as to be seen by any one meeting them. after a time, the more convenient badge of a piece of yellow cloth cut out in the shape of a duck’s foot, was adopted. if any cagot was found in any town or village without his badge, he had to pay a fine of five sous, and to lose his dress. he was expected to shrink away from any passer-by, for fear that their clothes should touch each other; or else to stand still in some corner or by-place. if the cagots were thirsty during the days which they passed in those towns where their presence was barely suffered, they had no means of quenching their thirst, for they were forbidden to enter into the little cabarets or taverns. even the water gushing out of the common fountain was prohibited to them. far away, in their own squalid village, there was the cagot fountain, and they were not allowed to drink of any other water. a cagot woman having to make purchases in the town, was liable to be flogged out of it if she went to buy anything except on a monday—a day on which all other people who could, kept their houses for fear of coming in contact with the accursed race.
in the pays basque, the prejudices—and for some time the laws—ran stronger against them than any which i have hitherto mentioned. the basque cagot was not allowed to possess sheep. he might keep a pig for provision, but his pig had no right of pasturage. he might cut and carry grass for the ass, which was the only other animal he was permitted to own; and this ass was permitted, because its existence was rather an advantage to the oppressor, who constantly availed himself of the cagot’s mechanical skill, and was glad to have him and his tools easily conveyed from one place to another.
the race was repulsed by the state. under the small local governments they could hold no post whatsoever. and they were barely tolerated by the church, although they were good catholics, and zealous frequenters of the mass. they might only enter the churches by a small door set apart for them, through which no one of the pure race ever passed. this door was low, so as to compel them to make an obeisance. it was occasionally surrounded by sculpture, which invariably represented an oak-branch with a dove above it. when they were once in, they might not go to the holy water used by others. they had a bénitier of their own; nor were they allowed to share in the consecrated bread when that was handed round to the believers of the pure race. the cagots stood afar off, near the door. there were certain boundaries—imaginary lines—on the nave and in the aisles which they might not pass. in one or two of the more tolerant of the pyrenean villages, the blessed bread was offered to the cagots, the priest standing on one side of the boundary, and giving the pieces of bread on a long wooden fork to each person successively.
when the cagot died, he was interred apart, in a plot of burying-ground on the north side of the cemetery. under such laws and prescriptions as i have described, it is no wonder that he was generally too poor to have much property for his children to inherit; but certain descriptions of it were forfeited to the commune. the only possession which all who were not of his own race refused to touch, was his furniture. that was tainted, infectious, unclean—fit for none but cagots.
when such were, for at least three centuries, the prevalent usages and opinions with regard to this oppressed race, it is not surprising that we read of occasional outbursts of ferocious violence on their part. in the basses-pyrenées, for instance, it is only about a hundred years since, that the cagots of rehouilhes rose up against the inhabitants of the neighbouring town of lourdes, and got the better of them, by their magical powers, as it is said. the people of lourdes were conquered and slain, and their ghastly, bloody heads served the triumphant cagots for balls to play at ninepins with! the local parliaments had begun, by this time, to perceive how oppressive was the ban of public opinion under which the cagots lay, and were not inclined to enforce too severe a punishment. accordingly, the decree of the parliament of toulouse condemned only the leading cagots concerned in this affray to be put to death, and that henceforward and for ever no cagot was to be permitted to enter the town of lourdes by any gate but that called capdet-pourtet: they were only to be allowed to walk under the rain-gutters, and neither to sit, eat, nor drink in the town. if they failed in observing any of these rules, the parliament decreed, in the spirit of shylock, that the disobedient cagots should have two strips of flesh, weighing never more than two ounces a-piece, cut out from each side of their spines.
in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, it was considered no more a crime to kill a cagot than to destroy obnoxious vermin. a “nest of cagots,” as the old accounts phrase it, had assembled in a deserted castle of mauvezin, about the year sixteen hundred; and, certainly, they made themselves not very agreeable neighbours, as they seemed to enjoy their reputation of magicians; and, by some acoustic secrets which were known to them, all sorts of moanings and groanings were heard in the neighbouring forests, very much to the alarm of the good people of the pure race; who could not cut off a withered branch for firewood, but some unearthly sound seemed to fill the air, nor drink water which was not poisoned, because the cagots would persist in filling their pitchers at the same running stream. added to these grievances, the various pilferings perpetually going on in the neighbourhood made the inhabitants of the adjacent towns and hamlets believe that they had a very sufficient cause for wishing to murder all the cagots in the chateau de mauvezin. but it was surrounded by a moat, and only accessible by a drawbridge; besides which, the cagots were fierce and vigilant. some one, however, proposed to get into their confidence; and for this purpose he pretended to fall ill close to their path, so that on returning to their stronghold they perceived him, and took him in, restored him to health, and made a friend of him. one day, when they were all playing at ninepins in the woods, their treacherous friend left the party on pretence of being thirsty, and went back into the castle, drawing up the bridge after he had passed over it, and so cutting off their means of escape into safety. then, going up to the highest part of the castle, he blew a horn, and the pure race, who were lying in wait on the watch for some such signal, fell upon the cagots at their games, and slew them all. for this murder i find no punishment decreed in the parliament of toulouse, or elsewhere.
as any intermarriage with the pure race was strictly forbidden, and as there were books kept in every commune in which the names and habitations of the reputed cagots were written, these unfortunate people had no hope of ever becoming blended with the rest of the population. did a cagot marriage take place, the couple were serenaded with satirical songs. they also had minstrels, and many of their romances are still current in brittany; but they did not attempt to make any reprisals of satire or abuse. their disposition was amiable, and their intelligence great. indeed, it required both these qualities, and their great love of mechanical labour, to make their lives tolerable.
at last, they began to petition that they might receive some protection from the laws; and, towards the end of the seventeenth century, the judicial power took their side. but they gained little by this. law could not prevail against custom: and, in the ten or twenty years just preceding the first french revolution, the prejudice in france against the cagots amounted to fierce and positive abhorrence.
at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the cagots of navarre complained to the pope, that they were excluded from the fellowship of men, and accursed by the church, because their ancestors had given help to a certain count raymond of toulouse in his revolt against the holy see. they entreated his holiness not to visit upon them the sins of their fathers. the pope issued a bull—on the thirteenth of may, fifteen hundred and fifteen—ordering them to be well-treated and to be admitted to the same privileges as other men. he charged don juan de santa maria of pampeluna to see to the execution of this bull. but don juan was slow to help, and the poor spanish cagots grew impatient, and resolved to try the secular power. they accordingly applied to the cortes of navarre, and were opposed on a variety of grounds. first, it was stated that their ancestors had had “nothing to do with raymond count of toulouse, or with any such knightly personage; that they were in fact descendants of gehazi, servant of elisha (second book of kings, fifth chapter, twenty-seventh verse), who had been accursed by his master for his fraud upon naaman, and doomed, he and his descendants, to be lepers for evermore. name, cagots or gahets; gahets, gehazites. what can be more clear? and if that is not enough, and you tell us that the cagots are not lepers now; we reply that there are two kinds of leprosy, one perceptible and the other imperceptible, even to the person suffering from it. besides, it is the country talk, that where the cagot treads, the grass withers, proving the unnatural heat of his body. many credible and trustworthy witnesses will also tell you that, if a cagot holds a freshly-gathered apple in his hand, it will shrivel and wither up in an hour’s time as much as if it had been kept for a whole winter in a dry room. they are born with tails; although the parents are cunning enough to pinch them off immediately. do you doubt this? if it is not true, why do the children of the pure race delight in sewing on sheep’s tails to the dress of any cagot who is so absorbed in his work as not to perceive them? and their bodily smell is so horrible and detestable that it shows that they must be heretics of some vile and pernicious description, for do we not read of the incense of good workers, and the fragrance of holiness?”
such were literally the arguments by which the cagots were thrown back into a worse position than ever, as far as regarded their rights as citizens. the pope insisted that they should receive all their ecclesiastical privileges. the spanish priests said nothing; but tacitly refused to allow the cagots to mingle with the rest of the faithful, either dead or alive. the accursed race obtained laws in their favour from the emperor charles the fifth; which, however, there was no one to carry into effect. as a sort of revenge for their want of submission, and for their impertinence in daring to complain, their tools were all taken away from them by the local authorities: an old man and all his family died of starvation, being no longer allowed to fish.
they could not emigrate. even to remove their poor mud habitations, from one spot to another, excited anger and suspicion. to be sure, in sixteen hundred and ninety-five, the spanish government ordered the alcaldes to search out all the cagots, and to expel them before two months had expired, under pain of having fifty ducats to pay for every cagot remaining in spain at the expiration of that time. the inhabitants of the villages rose up and flogged out any of the miserable race who might be in their neighbourhood; but the french were on their guard against this enforced irruption, and refused to permit them to enter france. numbers were hunted up into the inhospitable pyrenées, and there died of starvation, or became a prey to wild beasts. they were obliged to wear both gloves and shoes when they were thus put to flight, otherwise the stones and herbage they trod upon, and the balustrades of the bridges that they handled in crossing, would, according to popular belief, have become poisonous.
and all this time, there was nothing remarkable or disgusting in the outward appearance of this unfortunate people. there was nothing about them to countenance the idea of their being lepers—the most natural mode of accounting for the abhorrence in which they were held. they were repeatedly examined by learned doctors, whose experiments, although singular and rude, appear to have been made in a spirit of humanity. for instance, the surgeons of the king of navarre, in sixteen hundred, bled twenty-two cagots, in order to examine and analyse their blood. they were young and healthy people of both sexes; and the doctors seem to have expected that they should have been able to extract some new kind of salt from their blood which might account for the wonderful heat of their bodies. but their blood was just like that of other people. some of these medical men have left us a description of the general appearance of this unfortunate race, at a time when they were more numerous and less intermixed than they are now. the families existing in the south and west of france, who are reputed to be of cagot descent at this day, are, like their ancestors, tall, largely made, and powerful in frame; fair and ruddy in complexion, with gray-blue eyes, in which some observers see a pensive heaviness of look. their lips are thick, but well-formed. some of the reports name their sad expression of countenance with surprise and suspicion—“they are not gay, like other folk.” the wonder would be if they were. dr. guyon, the medical man of the last century who has left the clearest report on the health of the cagots, speaks of the vigorous old age they attain to. in one family alone, he found a man of seventy-four years of age; a woman as old, gathering cherries; and another woman, aged eighty-three, was lying on the grass, having her hair combed by her great-grandchildren. dr. guyon and other surgeons examined into the subject of the horribly infectious smell which the cagots were said to leave behind them, and upon everything they touched; but they could perceive nothing unusual on this head. they also examined their ears, which, according to common belief (a belief existing to this day), were differently shaped from those of other people; being round and gristly, without the lobe of flesh into which the earring is inserted. they decided that most of the cagots whom they examined had the ears of this round shape; but they gravely added, that they saw no reason why this should exclude them from the good-will of men, and from the power of holding office in church and state. they recorded the fact, that the children of the towns ran baaing after any cagot who had been compelled to come into the streets to make purchases, in allusion to this peculiarity of the shape of the ear, which bore some resemblance to the ears of the sheep as they are cut by the shepherds in this district. dr. guyon names the case of a beautiful cagot girl, who sang most sweetly, and prayed to be allowed to sing canticles in the organ-loft. the organist, more musician than bigot, allowed her to come; but the indignant congregation, finding out whence proceeded that clear, fresh voice, rushed up to the organ-loft, and chased the girl out, bidding her “remember her ears,” and not commit the sacrilege of singing praises to god along with the pure race.
but this medical report of dr. guyon’s—bringing facts and arguments to confirm his opinion, that there was no physical reason why the cagots should not be received on terms of social equality by the rest of the world—did no more for his clients than the legal decrees promulgated two centuries before had done. the french proved the truth of the saying in hudibras,
he that’s convinced against his will
is of the same opinion still.
and, indeed, the being convinced by dr. guyon that they ought to receive cagots as fellow-creatures, only made them more rabid in declaring that they would not. one or two little occurrences which are recorded, show that the bitterness of the repugnance to the cagots was in full force at the time just preceding the first french revolution. there was a m. d’abedos, the curate of lourbes, and brother to the seigneur of the neighbouring castle, who was living in seventeen hundred and eighty; he was well-educated for the time, a travelled man, and sensible and moderate in all respects but that of his abhorrence of the cagots: he would insult them from the very altar, calling out to them, as they stood afar off, “oh! ye cagots, damned for evermore!” one day, a half-blind cagot stumbled and touched the censer borne before this abbé de lourbes. he was immediately turned out of the church, and forbidden ever to re-enter it. one does not know how to account for the fact, that the very brother of this bigoted abbé, the seigneur of the village, went and married a cagot girl; but so it was, and the abbé brought a legal process against him, and had his estates taken from him, solely on account of his marriage, which reduced him to the condition of a cagot, against whom the old law was still in force. the descendants of this seigneur de lourbes are simple peasants at this very day, working on the lands which belonged to their grandfather.
this prejudice against mixed marriages remained prevalent until very lately. the tradition of the cagot descent lingered among the people, long after the laws against the accursed race were abolished. a breton girl, within the last few years, having two lovers each of reputed cagot descent, employed a notary to examine their pedigrees, and see which of the two had least cagot in him; and to that one she gave her hand. in brittany the prejudice seems to have been more virulent than anywhere else. m. emile souvestre records proofs of the hatred borne to them in brittany so recently as in eighteen hundred and thirty-five. just lately a baker at hennebon, having married a girl of cagot descent, lost all his custom. the godfather and godmother of a cagot child became cagots themselves by the breton laws, unless, indeed, the poor little baby died before attaining a certain number of days. they had to eat the butchers’ meat condemned as unhealthy; but, for some unknown reason, they were considered to have a right to every cut loaf turned upside down, with its cut side towards the door, and might enter any house in which they saw a loaf in this position, and carry it away with them. about thirty years ago, there was the skeleton of a hand hanging up as an offering in a breton church near quimperle, and the tradition was, that it was the hand of a rich cagot who had dared to take holy water out of the usual bénitier, some time at the beginning of the reign of louis the sixteenth; which an old soldier witnessing, he lay in wait, and the next time the offender approached the bénitier he cut off his hand, and hung it up, dripping with blood, as an offering to the patron saint of the church. the poor cagots in brittany petitioned against their opprobrious name, and begged to be distinguished by the appellation of malandrins. to english ears one is much the same as the other, as neither conveys any meaning; but, to this day, the descendants of the cagots do not like to have this name applied to them, preferring that of malandrin.
the french cagots tried to destroy all the records of their pariah descent, in the commotions of seventeen hundred and eighty-nine; but if writings have disappeared, the tradition yet remains, and points out such and such a family as cagot, or malandrin, or oiselier, according to the old terms of abhorrence.
there are various ways in which learned men have attempted to account for the universal repugnance in which this well-made, powerful race are held. some say that the antipathy to them took its rise in the days when leprosy was a dreadfully prevalent disease; and that the cagots are more liable than any other men to a kind of skin disease, not precisely leprosy, but resembling it in some of its symptoms; such as dead whiteness of complexion, and swellings of the face and extremities. there was also some resemblance to the ancient jewish custom in respect to lepers, in the habit of the people; who, on meeting a cagot, called out, “cagote? cagote?” to which they were bound to reply, “perlute! perlute!” leprosy is not properly an infectious complaint, in spite of the horror in which the cagot furniture, and the cloth woven by them, are held in some places; the disorder is hereditary, and hence (say this body of wise men, who have troubled themselves to account for the origin of cagoterie) the reasonableness and the justice of preventing any mixed marriages, by which this terrible tendency to leprous complaints might be spread far and wide. another authority says, that though the cagots are fine-looking men, hard-working, and good mechanics, yet they bear in their faces, and show in their actions, reasons for the detestation in which they are held: their glance, if you meet it, is the jettatura, or evil-eye, and they are spiteful, and cruel, and deceitful above all other men. all these qualities they derive from their ancestor gehazi, the servant of elisha, together with their tendency to leprosy.
again, it is said that they are descended from the arian goths, who were permitted to live in certain places in guienne and languedoc, after their defeat by king clovis, on condition that they abjured their heresy, and kept themselves separate from all other men for ever. the principal reason alleged in support of this supposition of their gothic descent, is the specious one of derivation,—chiens gots, cans gots, cagots, equivalent to dogs of goths.
again, they were thought to be saracens, coming from syria. in confirmation of this idea, was the belief that all cagots were possessed by a horrible smell. the lombards, also, were an unfragrant race, or so reputed among the italians: witness pope stephen’s letter to charlemagne, dissuading him from marrying bertha, daughter of didier, king of lombardy. the lombards boasted of eastern descent, and were noisome. the cagots were noisome, and therefore must be of eastern descent. what could be clearer? in addition, there was the proof to be derived from the name cagot, which those maintaining the opinion of their saracen descent held to be chiens, or chasseurs des gots, because the saracens chased the goths out of spain. moreover, the saracens were originally mahometans, and as such obliged to bathe seven times a-day: whence the badge of the duck’s foot. a duck was a water-bird: mahometans bathed in the water. proof upon proof!
in brittany the common idea was, they were of jewish descent. their unpleasant smell was again pressed into the service. the jews, it was well known, had this physical infirmity, which might be cured either by bathing in a certain fountain in egypt—which was a long way from brittany—or by anointing themselves with the blood of a christian child. blood gushed out of the body of every cagot on good friday. no wonder, if they were of jewish descent. it was the only way of accounting for so portentous a fact. again; the cagots were capital carpenters, which gave the bretons every reason to believe that their ancestors were the very jews who made the cross. when first the tide of emigration set from brittany to america, the oppressed cagots crowded to the ports, seeking to go to some new country, where their race might be unknown. here was another proof of their descent from abraham and his nomadic people; and, the forty years’ wandering in the wilderness and the wandering jew himself, were pressed into the service to prove that the cagots derived their restlessness and love of change from their ancestors, the jews. the jews, also, practised arts-magic, and the cagots sold bags of wind to the breton sailors, enchanted maidens to love them—maidens who never would have cared for them, unless they had been previously enchanted—made hollow rocks and trees give out strange and unearthly noises, and sold the magical herb called bon-succès. it is true enough that, in all the early acts of the fourteenth century, the same laws apply to jews as to cagots, and the appellations seem used indiscriminately; but their fair complexions, their remarkable devotion to all the ceremonies of the catholic church, and many other circumstances, conspire to forbid our believing them to be of hebrew descent.
another very plausible idea is, that they are the descendants of unfortunate individuals afflicted with go?tres, which is, even to this day, not an uncommon disorder in the gorges and valleys of the pyrenées. some have even derived the word go?tre from got, or goth; but their name, crestiaa, is not unlike cretin, and the same symptoms of idiotism were not unusual among the cagots; although sometimes, if old tradition is to be credited, their malady of the brain took rather the form of violent delirium, which attacked them at new and full moons. then the workmen laid down their tools, and rushed off from their labour to play mad pranks up and down the country. perpetual motion was required to alleviate the agony of fury that seized upon the cagots at such times. in this desire for rapid movement, the attack resembled the neapolitan tarantella; while in the mad deeds they performed during such attacks, they were not unlike the northern berserker. in béarn especially, those suffering from this madness were dreaded by the pure race; the béarnais, going to cut their wooden clogs in the great forests that lay around the base of the pyrenées, feared above all things to go too near the periods when the cagoutelle seized on the oppressed and accursed people; from whom it was then the oppressors’ turn to fly. a man was living within the memory of some, who had married a cagot wife; he used to beat her right soundly when he saw the first symptoms of the cagoutelle, and, having reduced her to a wholesome state of exhaustion and insensibility, he locked her up until the moon had altered her shape in the heavens. if he had not taken such decided steps, say the oldest inhabitants, there is no knowing what might have happened.
from the thirteenth to the end of the nineteenth century, there are facts enough to prove the universal abhorrence in which this unfortunate race was held; whether called cagots, or gahets in pyrenean districts, caqueaux in brittany, or vaqueros in asturias. the great french revolution brought some good out of its fermentation of the people: the more intelligent among them tried to overcome the prejudice against the cagots.
in seventeen hundred and eighteen, there was a famous cause tried at biarritz relating to cagot rights and privileges. there was a wealthy miller, etienne arnauld by name, of the race of gotz, quagotz, bisigotz, astragotz, or gahetz, as his people are described in the legal document. he married an heiress a gotte (or cagot) of biarritz; and the newly-married, well-to-do couple saw no reason why they should stand near the door in the church, nor why he should not hold some civil office in the commune, of which he was the principal inhabitant. accordingly, he petitioned the law that he and his wife might be allowed to sit in the gallery of the church, and that he might be relieved from his civil disabilities. this wealthy white miller, etienne arnauld, pursued his rights with some vigour against the baillie of labourd, the dignitary of the neighbourhood. whereupon the inhabitants of biarritz met in the open air, on the eighth of may, to the number of one hundred and fifty; approved of the conduct of the baillie in rejecting arnauld, made a subscription, and gave all power to their lawyers to defend the cause of the pure race against etienne arnauld—“that stranger,” who, having married a girl of cagot blood, ought also to be expelled from the holy places. this lawsuit was carried through all the local courts, and ended by an appeal to the highest court in paris; where a decision was given against basque superstitions; and etienne arnauld was thenceforward entitled to enter the gallery of the church.
of course, the inhabitants of biarritz were all the more ferocious for having been conquered; and, four years later, a carpenter, miguel legaret, suspected of cagot descent, having placed himself in church among other people, was dragged out by the abbé and two of the jurats of the parish. legaret defended himself with a sharp knife at the time, and went to law afterwards; the end of which was, that the abbé and his two accomplices were condemned to a public confession of penitence, to be uttered while on their knees at the church door, just after high-mass. they appealed to the parliament of bourdeaux against this decision, but met with no better success than the opponents of the miller arnauld. legaret was confirmed in his right of standing where he would in the parish church. that a living cagot had equal rights with other men in the town of biarritz seemed now ceded to them; but a dead cagot was a different thing. the inhabitants of pure blood struggled long and hard to be interred apart from the abhorred race. the cagots were equally persistent in claiming to have a common burying-ground. again the texts of the old testament were referred to, and the pure blood quoted triumphantly the precedent of uzziah the leper (twenty-sixth chapter of the second book of chronicles), who was buried in the field of the sepulchres of the kings, not in the sepulchres themselves. the cagots pleaded that they were healthy and able-bodied; with no taint of leprosy near them. they were met by the strong argument so difficult to be refuted, which i have quoted before. leprosy was of two kinds, perceptible and imperceptible. if the cagots were suffering from the latter kind, who could tell whether they were free from it or not? that decision must be left to the judgment of others.
one sturdy cagot family alone, belone by name, kept up a lawsuit, claiming the privilege of common sepulture, for forty-two years; although the curé of biarritz had to pay one hundred livres for every cagot not interred in the right place. the inhabitants indemnified the curate for all these fines.
m. de romagne, bishop of tarbes, who died in seventeen hundred and sixty-eight, was the first to allow a cagot to fill any office in the church. to be sure, some were so spiritless as to reject office when it was offered to them, because, by so claiming their equality, they had to pay the same taxes as other men, instead of the rancale or poll-tax levied on the cagots; the collector of which had also a right to claim a piece of bread of a certain size for his dog at every cagot dwelling.
even in the present century, it has been necessary in some churches for the archdeacon of the district, followed by all his clergy, to pass out of the small door previously appropriated to the cagots, in order to mitigate the superstition which, even so lately, made the people refuse to mingle with them in the house of god. a cagot once played the congregation at larroque a trick suggested by what i have just named. he slily locked the great parish-door of the church, while the greater part of the inhabitants were assisting at mass inside; put gravel into the lock itself, so as to prevent the use of any duplicate key,—and had the pleasure of seeing the proud pure-blooded people file out with bended head, through the small low door used by the abhorred cagots.
we are naturally shocked at discovering, from facts such as these, the causeless rancour with which innocent and industrious people were so recently persecuted. the moral of the history of the accursed race may, perhaps, be best conveyed in the words of an epitaph on mrs. mary hand, who lies buried in the churchyard of stratford-on-avon.
what faults you saw in me,
pray strive to shun;
and look at home: there’s
something to be done.
for some time past i had observed that miss duncan made a good deal of occupation for herself in writing, but that she did not like me to notice her employment. of course, this made me all the more curious; and many were my silent conjectures—some of them so near the truth that i was not much surprised when, after mr. dawson had finished reading his paper to us, she hesitated, coughed, and abruptly introduced a little formal speech, to the effect that she had noted down an old welsh story, the particulars of which had often been told her in her youth, as she lived close to the place where the events occurred. everybody pressed her to read the manuscript, which she now produced from her reticule; but, when on the point of beginning, her nervousness seemed to overcome her, and she made so many apologies for its being the first and only attempt she had ever made at that kind of composition, that i began to wonder if we should ever arrive at the story at all. at length, in a high-pitched, ill-assured voice, she read out the title:
“the doom of the griffiths.”
