“between the lines” is always a place of peculiar difficulty and danger. the border states in our civil war were the deadliest battle-grounds, not only the meeting-places of the contending armies but also the scene of innumerable local feuds and conflicts between the inhabitants, half of whom inclined to one side and half to the other. a similar position was held in the revolution by westchester and dutchess counties, lying between the british at the south and the americans at the north. as this was the most fertile and productive agricultural region easily accessible from new york, it was frequently invaded by british foraging parties, seeking the supplies which were needed by the army in the city and which were not easily to be got elsewhere. nor did the region altogether escape similar attentions from the american army. more than once, indeed, organized raids were made by the latter southward into the part of the debatable ground lying nearest to the british lines, not only to secure forage and other supplies for american use but also to prevent them from falling into the hands of the british. himself a resident of that region, colonel[134] ludington was well fitted to deal with such local conditions, and accordingly a large third part of his public services were thus rendered. entries in his ledger indicate that he was a member of the dutchess county committee of safety on june 11, 1776, and for some time thereafter. this was the committee which was constituted for the purpose of “inquiring into, detecting and defeating all conspiracies formed in this state against the liberties of america.” when he was no longer a member of the committee he was one of its most efficient executive agents, and much of the services of himself and his regiment were given in pursuance of the plans of that committee.

home of the late frederick ludington, son of colonel ludington, at kent

in the records of the committee of safety under date of october 14, 1776, we find that “col. ludington informed a member that he has 20 or more arms, taken from disaffected persons, now in his possession, and requests to know how they shall be disposed of. ordered, that col. ludington send all arms in his possession, taken from disaffected persons, to this committee without delay, and that he sends his account for repairing to the auditor-general.” the “account for repairing” refers to the work done by colonel ludington on the captured weapons to make them serviceable for use in the american army; many of the tories deliberately breaking their muskets or depriving them of essential parts, before surrendering them. a little later william duer, one of the foremost members of the committee,[135] reported that “large quantities of hay and corn were purchased by the quarter master general for use of the continental army in the eastern part of this (dutchess) county and the western part of connecticut, that it would be hardly practicable to convey the same to the army unless the roads leading from the oblong and fredericksburgh towards pine’s bridge and north castle were better repaired. he therefore in behalf of general mifflin, quarter master general of the continental army, prayed that this house would devise ways and means of facilitating the above mentioned communication, not doubting but so necessary an expenditure would be cheerfully reimbursed from the continental treasury. on taking the application of mr. duer into consideration, resolved, that it will be necessary to repair the following roads in order to facilitate the cartage of forage to the continental army, from the house of col. henry ludington thence to samuel washburn’s, being 8 miles; the road which runs east from col. harry ludington’s to the store of malcolm morrison’s and thence south to the mills of samuel washburn, being 12 miles. resolved that col. ludington detach from his regiment 100 men for the purpose of repairing that part of the road which is first mentioned, being in distance 8 miles.… ordered, that copies of these resolutions be immediately transmitted to the supts. above mentioned, who are directed to communicate them without loss of time to cols. fields and luddington.”[136] for this road-mending work the committee fixed the price of labor at ten shillings a day, exclusive of subsistence, for the superintendents, and four shillings a day for the men, the latter to provide their own sustenance. they had power to impress teams and carts, and to pay for each ox-cart and two yoke of cattle sixteen shillings, and for each wagon twelve shillings. those who remember the common condition of roads in that part of the state a score of years ago, will appreciate what need there must have been a century before of repairs and improvements.

the varied character of colonel ludington’s services in the first years of the revolution is indicated by the entries in his ledger. thus in november, 1776, we find him charging the committee for inquiring into and detecting conspiracies against the state of new york with “4 days service riding with nathaniel sackett in order to collect evidence, at 21 shillings, 4 days, ￡4—5—4.” on november 21, 1776: “then began the service of buying hay and grain for the use of the continental army by an agreement with wm. duer.” on january 1, 1777: “then stopped the service of buying hay, being in all 41 days at 20 shillings per day.” in november, 1777: “then engaged in the commissary department under deputy commissary general and continued on the service until the 8th of january, 48 days in all at 32 shillings per day, 58 ￡ 16 s.”

a number of persons were arrested and taken before the committee at fishkill in december, 1776,[137] and on december 20 one of them, david aikins, made affidavit: “that on or about the 29th day of november last, he set out from home with a pass from colonel henry ludington to go to horse neck to buy rum; and further stated he was disappointed in getting it. he then proceeded to find one barnes hatfield who owed him a considerable sum of money, but not finding him he went to see isaac williams who had married his cousin, and while there he was captured by rogers’s rangers (british) and afterwards was taken before a major near king’s bridge. the major asked him how he could clear himself from the rebel pass found upon him. he said he came down upon a particular errand from captain alexander grant’s wife to him and if he would send him to capt. grant or capt. archbd. campbell he would prove his character. upon his arrival to capt. campbell said he was a prisoner and it was in his power to discharge him. campbell said he would discharge him if he would carry some papers and errands to certain persons in his neighborhood and be secret about it. he promised and captain campbell gave him two printed papers and protections from general howe for malcolm morrison, john kain, alexander kidd, matthew patterson, charles collins and one for himself.” in an affidavit two days later the patterson mentioned declared: “that he told akins that he did not chuse to have anything to do with such things, and further saith that there was a man in the room,[138] meaning colo. luddinton, who if he knew what aikins said would immediately send him to congress, but did not deem it expedient to mention to col. ludington.”

malcolm morrison appears to have been apprehended on suspicion and to have been held for a time at kingston jail, whence he sent, on february 19, 1777, a petition in which he said: “your petitioner has always been ready in assisting both officers and soldiers in their publick business of the states and in a most generous manner has advanced them cash for their different reliefs, and is at present a very considerable sum out of pocket on that account and has received no part of such sum except six pounds lent to colo. luddleton and wm. griffin to enable them to find out that pernicious plot of john miller and constant nickerson, reference being had to these gentlemen for the truth of his advice & assistance in bringing that plot to light.” morrison took the oath of allegiance and was released. the nickerson referred to was doubtless captain “josh” nickerson, of the swamp, near fredericksburgh, a notorious tory. he enlisted and drilled a large number of men, with the design of taking them to join general howe’s army in new york. their plans and meetings were all supposed to be kept a profound secret, but colonel ludington learned of them and made counter plans for the capture of the whole party. to that end he sent one of his tenants as a spy to ascertain the number, place of meeting,[139] etc., of the tories. this spy, after some difficulty, fell in with one of the party and pretended to him that he was desirous of enlisting in the british army. he was thereupon taken to nickerson and enrolled. he ascertained that a certain night had been appointed for their setting out for new york, and also that the roster of the company was kept concealed in a hollow walking-stick which nickerson always had by him. this information was promptly conveyed to colonel ludington, who forthwith assembled his regiment, surrounded nickerson and his company on the night set for their departure for new york, and took them all prisoners. the documentary evidence of their guilt was found on the written roll, and nickerson was vastly chagrined when colonel ludington bade him give up the cane and then opened it and took out the hidden paper.

the southern part of dutchess county, now putnam county, was, in fact, one of the most critical danger spots in the whole country, as a passage in the journal of the convention of the state of new york shows, under date of sunday morning, may 4, 1777:

capt. delavan, who being called before the convention, after giving information upon the subject contained in the letters brought by him, further informed the house, that the disaffected persons are very numerous in the southern parts of dutchess county, and that without doubt they will fall upon the whigs whenever the enemy[140] attack our army at peekskill or at the forts in the highlands; they therefore request the convention to take some measure in the premises. thereupon resolved, that mr. jay, colo. thomas, colo. ludington be commissioners to prevent, quell and subdue all insurrections and disaffections in the counties of dutchess and westchester, and to take every measure for that purpose which they shall deem necessary; and that they cooperate with messrs. robert r. livingston, zephaniah platt and matthew cantine, a committee appointed yesterday, for the like purpose in the manor of livingston and rhinebeck precinct. resolved, that the said commissioners immediately collect with the assistance of general mcdougall, or general george clinton, or from the militia of the county of dutchess, whichever shall appear to them most expeditious, a force sufficient for the purpose and also to comply with the following instructions, to wit: gentlemen: you are to begin in the southern part of the county of dutchess and proceed to the northward, and in your progress secure the disaffected, call out the whole militia, and destroy all such as shall be found in arms to oppose you. when you shall meet with the committee above mentioned you are to act in concert with them, to secure the prisoners you shall have respectively made, to dismiss such of the militia as you may think proper, and with the remainder march into the county of westchester by different ways, concerting at the same time such measures with general mcdougall or other commanding officer at peekskill as will effectually clear said county of westchester of all dangerous and disaffected[141] persons. you are on every occasion, by every means in your power (torture excepted) to compel the discovery and delivery of spies or other emissaries of the enemy, who you may have reason to believe are concealed in any part of the country through which you may make progress and upon due proof immediately execute them in terrorem.

a copy of the resolutions was sent to livingston, platt, and cantine, with additional instructions to conform with the resolutions sent them, and after having cleared the manor of livingston and the precinct of rhinebeck of all dangerous and disaffected inhabitants, to proceed southward until they met with jay, thomas, and ludington, conducting themselves in accordance with the resolutions; and when they had met with them, immediately to form a proper plan and endeavor to carry the plan into immediate execution. discretion was given to vary from instructions as the circumstances might require. copies of the intelligence received by the convention were sent to the commissioners. a few days later, under date of may 8, livingston, platt and cantine reported that the number of conspirators was far greater than they had imagined, almost everybody in the upper manor, particularly the eastern part of it, being disaffected, and they urged that courts martial were absolutely necessary for dealing with the chief offenders. as for jay, thomas, and ludington, they entered upon their part of the work[142] with zeal, but found themselves somewhat hampered by other demands made upon them and by the unwillingness of some of the militia to engage in the service of the continental army. on june 25 this matter was brought before the convention, and it was—

resolved, that whereas information hath been given to this congress that certain captains in col. luddington’s regiment of militia in dutchess county have refused to draft out of their respective companies for the purpose of brigade of militia to be raised in this county for the continental service as recommended by this congress in pursuance of the resolves of the continental congress of the 1st, 3rd and 4th inst. resolved, that the general committee of the said county be requested to make inquiry into the premises, and upon due proof of the charge against the said captains, to send them under proper guard to this congress to be dealt with according to their deserts.

during that summer colonel ludington seems to have been much engaged with duties in westchester county. thus in general putnam’s general orders we find, under date of white plains, september 19, 1777, the following:

colo. ludington to furnish guards and patroles from the camp to the north river. majr. gray to send a guard and patrole on the road between stephen woods and the north river.

[143]

two days later, on september 21, the order ran:

officer of the day to-morrow colo ludenton the same no to go on piquit to-night as last night & on the same roads great care to be taken not to put any on this piquit but such in whose fidelity the greatest confidence may be placed. colo ludington & major gray will guard the same roads as yesterday. patroleing partys are constantly to be kept up.

again, the next day, the order ran: “the guards and piquits are to be kept up also majr. gray & colo ludington as has been kept before.”

the work of detecting and arresting traitors within the american lines occupied much of colonel ludington’s attention, and in it he seems to have been particularly energetic and effective. his wide knowledge of men and affairs in westchester and dutchess counties caused frequent appeal to be made to him for information concerning suspicious persons. thus lieutenant-colonel dimon in september, 1777, wrote to general putnam as follows:

harrison’s purchase sept’r 12th 1777.

hon’d sir,

enclosed i have sent a return of the regt. also have sent for your honor’s examination, three prisoners (viz) john crabb, an inhabitant of fredericsburg, taken up at white-plains, who said he was going to horseneck to buy salt, but on being searched, it appeared that 2/6 in paper & 4/6 or 5/ in hard mony was all the mony he had in possession, & what renders his conduct[144] still more suspicious, was that, james knox, another of the prisoners, was in company with him, when first discovered by our men, but made his escape from them, & was next day taken up near new rochelle, & who confesses he was going to the enemy: s’d crabb desiring a man might be sent to col. luddington, to obtain his character, to whom he said he was known; i acordingly desired col. luddington (to) send his character, which he did, & which i have sent enclosed. but the third, as i imagine the greatest villian of three, named hachaliah merrit was taken in east chester early in the morning after being out all night with his great coat & blanket, & armed with a loaded pistoll, & who does not pretend to say any thing in his own justification. i am with great esteem, your honour’s most humble servant.

david dimon, lt. col.

major genl. putman.

accompanying this was colonel ludington’s reply to the appeal for a “character” for the prisoner crabb, which could have given that worthy little comfort:

dear sir,

i have inquired into the character of the said jno. crabb and find him to be an enemy to his country therefore shall expect he will be treated as such and am sir

your very humble serv’t

henry ludinton, colo.

sept’r 10: 1777.

to colo. david demmon.

[145]

a few days later colonel ludington himself wrote to putnam:

philipse burgh sept’r 12th 1777.

sir,

i have sent you one elijah taylor; his crime is as follows: he pretends he came from below our lines because he was suspected to be a friend to us; a few days after he came to me with his brother in law from milesquare pretending he had lost a horse and applied to me for orders to take him where he could find him. i gave him permission to search for his horse any where he pleased above our lines but not to return home without calling on me, but instead of calling, returned home and soon after came up again. i found by his conduct that was not his arrent (errand) for at the same time he and the said taylor was laying a plan to steal our horses. the way i got information was that one dudely bailey, a sutler to our regiment, was in conversation with the said taylor concerning their losing horses, whereupon the said taylor told him they had lost horses and knew where to find them but did not care about them for he could take them off in the night; then he ask’d bailey where the horses belonging to the regiment were kept, and where our centenals were posted, in order that he might carry his plan in execution; and he further told him it would not be long before we should be routed, for a few men might do it, as we were obliged to post ourselves in houses. he further agread with baily for him to go down as far as milesquare to one benjamin taylor’s and there stay until the[146] s’d taylor could go to the hessian generals and when he return’d he would put him in good business where he might earn a dollar pr day. he further said that when he makes his report to the general that he might live like a gentleman without doing any work. he further acquainted him he had been through your camps at peekskill as far up as poughkeepsy and there were several spies out among whom was an hessian officer, and upon them circumstances i have sent you the said taylor. for further information refer you to the said bailey as an evidence to the truth of the matter who shall be sent up to you whenever i receive your order for that purpose.

i have likewise sent up three other prisoners, jacob read, abraham aston & joseph brown, the two former were taken up on suspicion of carrying on a dangerous correspondence with the enemy and the latter is a deserter from colo. willis’s regt. and capt. champion’s comp’y of the continental troops. i am your honour’s humble serv’t

henry ludinton, col.

p.s. should be oblig’d to your honour to give the bearer some direction where he may draw some cordage for the use of the teams. i am as above

h. l.

to genl. putnam at head quarters peekskill.

jacob read, or rhead, promptly wrote to clinton, protesting that he had always been a true friend of his country and had repeatedly been employed in its[147] service, and that therefore he conceived himself to have been most unjustly treated in being arrested as a traitor. he begged to be examined immediately and to be set at liberty on proof of his innocence.

in the fall of 1777 there was a scarcity of provisions in westchester and dutchess counties, and the tories sought further to embarrass the american cause by shipping all provisions they could secure to the british army. on this account the following letter was addressed by colonel ludington and others to the council of safety for the state of new york:

dutchess co.

3rd december, 1777.

gent?:

nothing but the strongest necessity could induce us to trouble you with an application of so extraordinary a nature, but if we are esteemed worthy of your confidence as friends to our struggling country our sincerity will atone for what in common cases might appear indecent. our invaded state has not only been an object of the special designs of our common enemy, but obnoxious to the wicked, mercenary intrigues of a number of engrossing jockies who have drained this part of the state of the article of bread to such a degree that we have reason to fear there is not enough left for the support of the inhabitants. we have for some months past heard of one holmes who has been purchasing wheat and flour in these parts with which the well affected are universally ill-provided. this man with us is of doubtful character, his conversations are of the disaffected sort entirely. he has now moving from fishkill[148] toward newark we think not less than one hundred barrels of flour, for which he says he has your permit, the which we have not seen. however we have, at the universal call of the people, concluded to stop the flour and holmes himself until this express may return. we ourselves think from the conduct of this man that his designs are bad.

we have the honor to be your humble servants,

henry ludington,

joseph crane jr.,

jonathan paddock,

elijah townsend.

to the honorable the council of safety for the state of n. y.

more than two months later crane and ludington wrote to governor clinton on the same matter:

southeast precinct, 16th february, 1778.

may it please your excellency,

we about two months ago presumed to stop a parcel of flour said to be the property of one helmes made immediate report thereof to the council of safety in answer we were favoured with a coppy of the licence granted by the council to the said helms, with a coppy of the oath on which said licence was granted & with directions from the council that in case the conduct of sd helms was not correspondant with the tennor of sd oath and licence to apprehend and committ him for tryal and detain the flour. previous to the return of the express dispatched with our report to the council helms made his escape and has not appeared here since.[149] the flour was hurried up some in old cyder hogsheads the rest in barrels not well secured has been exposed to wett and is in danger of spoiling. your excellencies directions respecting this matter will be esteemed as a favour done to your most obedient and humble servants

joseph crane junr

henry ludinton

his excellency governor clinton.

the man holmes mentioned was colonel john holmes, one of the most wary and energetic tories in that part of the country. he was famed as a breeder and racer of horses, and had a stock farm near colonel ludington’s. indeed, he and ludington were neighbors and friends before the outbreak of the war, but in the animosities engendered by that conflict they were involved as bitter foes. holmes had a commission from the british authorizing him to enlist men for their service, and for this purpose he had a recruiting station on fishkill plains in an out-of-the-way place—a field covered with scrub oak. there he gathered tories and drilled them for the british service. he often boasted privately that his friend ludington would one day accompany him on a visit to general howe at new york—meaning, of course, as a prisoner. colonel ludington, however, completely turned the tables upon his old neighbor and would-be captor. learning from his secret agents that holmes was collecting a company of tories on the fishkill plains, he quietly gathered his[150] own regiment for what he warned them was to be an undertaking of much activity and danger. after several days of preparation, he led his men at night to the tory rendezvous. dividing them into companies, he caused them completely to encircle the scrub oak field and close in upon it from all sides. so quietly and effectively was the work done that holmes and every one of his followers were captured, without the loss of a life or the firing of a single shot. there were, however, several severe hand-to-hand struggles, in one of which colonel ludington himself had a brand new suit of clothes almost entirely torn from his back. holmes was furious at being thus trapped, and the more so when he found that ludington was his captor. he was compelled to give up as spoils of war his watch and purse, and a large sum of british money which had been given to him for the conduct of his recruiting operations. colonel ludington then marched the whole party off to poughkeepsie and deposited them in jail. he appears to have had no personal grudge against holmes, however, and on a subsequent occasion saved his life at much danger to himself.

the ardent patriots of the border counties were not content with merely these acts of forcible suppression of traitorous conduct, but desired to strike still more strongly and effectively at the foes of their own neighborhood. an act of the convention had already authorized the occupation and leasing at moderate rentals of all lands owned by those who had entered[151] the british service. at first there was little disposition to enforce the measure, but as the revolution proceeded, and the “pernicious activity” of the tories became more marked, the people of dutchess county moved for the execution of the law. the following letter was accordingly addressed to governor clinton by the board of sequestration of that county:

to his excellency george clinton, esq.

governor of the state of new york, general of the militia, and admiral of the navy of the same.

the memorial of theodorus van wyck and henry livingston jun. commissioners of sequestration for the county of dutchess.

sheweth, that, whereas, on the 13th day of may, 1777, the honorable the convention of the representatives of the state of new york came to the following resolution “resolved that the commissioners of sequestration be directed & impowered to lease out the lands & tenements of all such persons as already have gone, or hereafter shall go, unto & join the enemies of this state, under moderate rent, from year to year, to persons friendly to the cause of america & who will covenant to keep the same in repair & to suffer no waste to be done thereon”—and again “resolved, that in all such leases the inhabitants of this state who have been driven from their habitations by the enemy should be preferred by the commissioners to others who have not that claim to the favor of the public.”

agreeable to the above resolutions your[152] memorialists have put numbers of well affected refugees inhabitants of this state into the possession of lands and tenements deserted by the former disaffected proprietors. as yet your memorialists have stipulated with but very few of the refugees aforesaid, what rent they shall pay for the lands & tenements they occupy. your memorialists wish to have pointed out to them, what proportion of the highest rent they could obtain from others, for lands and tenements above described, the said refugees should pay.

your memorialists would also beg leave to represent to your excellency, that numbers of persons now with our enemies own large tracts of land in this county; many of the tenants on which are desirous of discharging their rents, and have in many instances applyed to your memorialists for direction. by virtue of any resolutions made by the legislature your memorialists do not think themselves authorized to receive the same.

if the legislature see fit to direct to have the above rents collected your memorialists wish the estates may be particularized.

your memorialists would also inform your excellency that they have in their possession a quantity of plate late the property of mess. john livingston, peter stuyvesant and stephen crossfield, and be given direction in the disposition of it.

and your memorialists will &c.

theodorus van wyck,

henry livingston jun’r.

march 16th 1778.

[153]

the governor’s reply to this appeal was not altogether satisfactory to the more ardent patriots, who were suffering much in their private estates from the ravages of british irregulars and their tory allies, and accordingly a memorial was soon presented to the convention asking for further legislation of a particularly stringent kind. made by the freeholders and citizens of dutchess county, this memorial was doubtless signed by colonel ludington together with many others, and expressed his vigorous opinions. it ran as follows:

to the honorable the senate and assembly of the state of new york,

the respectful address and petition of the freeholders and others, inhabitants of the county of dutchess, friends to the freedom and independence of the united states of america,

humbly sheweth:

that the nefarious and most cruel designs of the king and parliament of great britain, to reduce our country to vasalage, have been and still continue to be executed with a degree of malice and rancour, altogether inconsistent with the character of a nation professing christianity, or even a regard to common justice and humanity; that while your petitioners in defence of their rights and freedom have opposed the devices inspired by tyranny, and have suffered severely, many of them in their own proper persons, and effects, and all in those of their friends and fellow citizens; they have always had, as they hope, a[154] well grounded confidence in the wisdom and justice of an honest, impartial legislature, by whom they trust such an adequate adjustment of forfeited property will be effected as may duly punish the authors of the publick calamities, relieve the distressed and be the most conducive to the general good of the state.

that as you are now entering upon the business of the second year of the legislature of this state, we doubt not but a variety of important matters presents themselves to your consideration, among which, in our opinion, one of the greatest is the confiscation and sale of the property of the traitorous enemies of this state; that our debts contracted in prosecuting this necessary war, are become enormous; that the whole of this burden will be as intolerable for us and our children to bear, as it will be cruel to exact it of us; that the only expedient for our relief will be the appropriation of the property within this state, of those unnatural enemies, (whether now within or out of it) by whose wicked practices the war, with all its horrors, calamities and consequent charges, was brought upon us and is continued to this present period in the american states by them devoted to destruction. to this end have they not exerted every faculty, cancelled every social and sacred obligation, and to the utmost assisted the enemies of their country, irritated them against it, and urged them to compleat its distruction? have not many of them embodied with the british troops, assisted in their councils, aided and abetted them in contriving and executing all their infernal measures?

lenity to such atrocious offenders, we conceive[155] to be cruelty to the state in general, and to mankind, unwarrantable either by the laws of god or man.

these are, therefore, with all due deference and respect, to desire and request you, as the representative body of this state, forthwith to proceed upon, and before the close of the present session, effectually form and accomplish a law for the confiscation and sale of the real and personal property of the enemies of this state, in such way and manner as may be for the good of the people at large, and we doubt not, in the completion of so important an act, but you will readily forego every private conveniency to yourselves and particular families.

we have with surprise and concern understood that several members of your honorable houses are impatient to close the session, on account of their domestic concerns. we would humbly beg leave to remind such gentlemen that, however pressing their private affairs may be, the publick demands ought to be first attended to, as in them the interest of every individual is devolved; and in particular this act ought by no means to be postponed. the publick debts, the alarming depreciation of our paper money, are pressing, and will admit of no delay. the present and not the future is in your power, and were it necessary to use arguments on this subject to patriots, it would be easy to show that the delay of this act to another session is big with uncertainty of its passing at all, and therefore of the most dangerous consequences to this state. especially as it will occasion universal uneasiness and in all probability produce tumults and[156] insurrections, and tend to a domestic tyranny and confusion as much to be dreaded as the evils brought upon us by our connections with great britain, the effects of which we thus wofully experience. tho’ thro’ the smiles of heaven upon our past endeavors, we are now arrived within view of our native inheritance, the promised land of peace and freedom, to which we look with longing eyes. but our unremited exertions are still necessary to bring us to the haven of rest. else all our past labors may still prove in vain, all our fair prospects be darkened by intervening clouds, that may drive us again upon a tempestuous sea of trouble till we are overwhelmed and lost. to prevent this we and all your constituents look up with anxious expectations to you, on whom is devolved the care of the state vessel, and on whom we depend to pilot it into a port of safety; and we trust your vigilance and unwearied application to the important duties of your station will be continued till the great end is obtained, for which as in duty bound we shall ever pray, &c.

poughkeepsie, october 22nd, 1778.

it was inevitable that his activity and zeal in promoting and executing such measures should make colonel ludington an object of especial antipathy to the local tories and also to the british authorities in new york. he was regarded by them as one of the chief obstacles to the raising of troops and the securing of supplies for the british army in the border region. accordingly the strongest efforts[157] were made to get rid of him, either by death or capture. on more than one occasion he was shot at by hidden marksmen by the wayside and narrowly escaped being killed. the british authorities offered a reward of three hundred guineas for his person, and more than one of his disaffected neighbors sought to win that prize. much of the time his house was guarded by a detachment of his regiment, but often for days and weeks when he was at home his only sentinels were his two older daughters, sibyl and rebecca. these children would sit for hours, armed with heavy muskets, at the upper windows, behind casks on the piazza, or in a neighboring cornfield, watching for the approach of suspicious or openly hostile characters and ready to give their father warning. one night they espied a number of moving figures, lurking behind trees and fences, and at once waked their father with the warning that tories were surrounding the house. colonel ludington, having no aid at hand sufficient to offer defense, resorted to a ruse. he hurriedly aroused the inmates and distributed them through all the rooms, each with a musket and a lighted candle. the general illumination of the building, the signs of commotion, and the shadows of moving and armed figures on every window blind, persuaded the tories that a company of soldiers was in the house. they therefore feared to make the attack which they had intended, but contented themselves with yelling and hooting in the adjoining woods until day began to[158] break, when they retired down the road to the southward, through the little settlement which then occupied the present site of the village of carmel.

the next day colonel ludington ascertained that his nocturnal visitors were tories from quaker hill and pawling, under the leadership of dr. prosser, who has already been mentioned in this narrative, and were about forty in number. prosser was a neighbor of colonel ludington’s, but was also his bitter enemy, and was one of the most virulent tories in all that region. he was that night leading his company down to new york to join the british army, and had planned to kill or capture colonel ludington and thus secure the reward of three hundred guineas which general howe had offered. after the war prosser returned to dutchess county to live, thinking his toryism would be forgotten or condoned. but colonel ludington had not forgotten nor forgiven his midnight attempt at murder or capture. one day the two men met on the highway at patterson, both being on horseback. as soon as prosser caught sight of the man whom he had tried to “remove,” he turned and attempted to avoid him. but colonel ludington and his horse were too quick for him. overtaking him the colonel belabored him with a heavy rawhide whip and gave him a most thorough flogging, which of course prosser could not venture to resent by legal means.

on another occasion during the war two gentlemen and their servants, strangers, stopped at colonel[159] ludington’s house and asked for entertainment for the night. they were received with some misgivings as to their loyalty. some time after they had retired the watching members of the family perceived that the house was surrounded by armed men. suspecting that the strangers were in league with the besiegers, they went to their room, roused them, and at the muzzles of muskets demanded to know who they were and what was their business. the strangers managed to assure them that they were friends, and thereupon joined the family in lighting up the house and giving it the appearance of a well-garrisoned stronghold. as on the former occasion the ruse was effective and the attacking party withdrew.

colonel ludington’s activities and also his difficulties in raising troops for various purposes are suggested in some of his correspondence with governor clinton:

i would inform your excelency that i have proceeded to raise the companey aloted me to raise as my quota and expect them to march on munday next; in regard of officering the companey i have been obliged to borow a point, and thought it my duty to acquaint his excelency in that manner; the man apointed as capt. did not belong to the militia—who is capt. elijah tounsand the barer—but has been the most of the time in service since the war began and has been captain with me in the 3 months service at the plains and i conceive him to be more suitable to command a companey than one of the[160] militia captains; would therefore take it as a favour if you would give him his comision; the 1 lieut. is john berrey, a militia officer; the 2 lieut. is mr. william mctine a young man who formerly lived at the white plains and now has moved among us, has never born a commision in the militia, but is lookt upon to be a proper person for it, as he is a man well acquainted with the part of the country where he is going and very capable of performing the office. sir i hope it will be agreable to his excelency to grant commisions to the above mentioned persons and in so doing you will mutch oblige your humble servant

henry ludinton.

fredricksburgh may 1d 1778.

to his excelency george clinton esqr. governor.

to this clinton promptly replied:

poughkeepsie 1st may 1778.

sir, i have rec’d your letter of equal date. by the law for raising the 700 men for the defence of the state the officers are to be taken from the militia. if, therefore, capt. townsend is to command the company you must have him appointed a capt. in your regt. & the other gentleman a lieut., otherwise it will be impossible to give them the command tho’ i wish to do it. i have convened the council of appointment to meet at this place this day to compleat the military appointments. i must, therefore,[161] again call upon you for the proper returns of your regiment, agreable to former orders to enable us to perfect the appointments therein. i think it would be best for you to attend here in person on monday next at farthest. i am your most obed’t serv’t

geo. clinton.

colo. ludington.

the british raid up the hudson, with the burning of kingston, already mentioned, provoked much activity throughout the border region, and resulted in added suffering to the unfortunate inhabitants. immediately after the burning of kingston the committee of safety, meeting at marbletown, adopted the following:

whereas, the late destruction of the town of kingston, and a vast number of dwelling houses, improvements, grain and fodder on either side of hudson’s river, by a cruel, inhuman and merciless enemy, has deprived many persons and families, the good subjects of the state, of shelter and subsistence for themselves and their cattle—calamities which by the blessing of god on the fruits of this land those who have not shared in so uncommon a misfortune are enabled in a great measure to relieve;

resolved, therefore, that it be, and it is hereby most earnestly recommended to the several and respective general and district committees of the counties of ulster, dutchess, orange and westchester, to make, or cause to be made, a proper and proportionate distribution of the aforesaid[162] distressed persons and families, and their cattle, to the end that they may all be provided for as the circumstances of the country will permit; and it is hereby most strenuously urged on all those who may not have shared with them in their afflictions to receive the aforesaid persons, families and cattle, and furnish them with shelter and subsistence at a moderate rate.

to this humane appeal the patriotic part of the population cordially responded, but of course the british sympathizers were reluctant to do so. their reluctance and refusal brought upon them, however, the increased wrath of the patriots, and incited to increased zeal the committees whose province it was to deal with the disaffected. among these, colonel ludington was prominent, though he exercised his powers with a certain humane discretion and was not inclined to be cruelly vindictive even toward the most malignant tories. a letter of his to the commissioners of sequestration, now in the possession of mr. william e. dean, of fishkill, runs as follows, its reference being to the “red mills,” near lake mahopac:

gentlemen

mr. cox has been with me this day and informed me that the mills are likely to be taken from him and to be put into the hands of mrs. cammels and 2 other persons. the two mrs camels i am well acquainted with and would do everything in my power to serve them but when you come to consider upon this matter you may find[163] they may be settled at preasent in such a manner that they may remain where they are for a while and be less damidge to them than it will be to mr. cox to turn out at this season of the year and so sudden as he is required to do. it will be easy for you to judg what a bad plight it will naturally put him to. therefore should take it as a favour if you would let him remain until he can have an oportunity of settling himself in some other place. this far can be said of mr. cox it is generally believed that he has done justice to the publick while he has occupyed the mills and in the commisary department which he has been in since last fall. but however gentlemen i would not be understood that i am to dictate you in those affairs and am and remain your real friend

and humble servant

henry ludinton.

fredericksburgh january 29th, 1779

mr henery livingston & theds van wick

the comitioners sequestration

dutchess county.

another letter, also in the possession of mr. dean, runs as follows:

dear sir

i have just had an information of a score of sheep in the hands of one josiah swift rented to him by a person who hath been sundry years[164] with the enemy and likewise sum cattell in the hands of henry charlick which belonged to one ellston which the bearer can inform you of, and the bearer is the person who moved ellston’s wife and family and john millars and wishes that the discovery he had maid of those cattel might be an inducement to the commisoners to give him sum satisfaction for moving the 2 families down to the lines

am sir your very humble servant

henry ludinton

to theodorus van wayk esqs

p s i believe i am on track of a very considerable deal of property conseald belonging to kain and morison

this letter was addressed to “theodorus vanwayk esqs pr mr. daniel haselton for want of wafer this is not seald”.

the sternness of the dealings of the state with british sympathizers was strikingly shown in the law which was made by the state convention on october 22, 1779, which ran in part:

whereas during the present war … divers persons holding or claiming property within this state have voluntarily been adherent to the king, his fleets and armies, enemies of this state … whereof the said persons have severally and justly forfeited all right to the protection of the state and the benefit of laws under which property is held or claimed … be it enacted that[165] the said several persons hereinbefore particularly named shall be and are hereby declared forever banished from this state, and each and every one of them who shall at any time hereafter be found in any part of this state shall be and are hereby declared guilty of felony, and shall suffer death as in cases of felony, without benefit of clergy.

a mahogany table belonging to colonel ludington, at which, according to family tradition, washington and rochambeau dined.

(now in the possession of charles henry ludington)

fredericksburgh and the neighborhood were frequently traversed by officers and bodies of troops, especially in making the journey from hartford and new haven to fishkill. washington himself often made that journey, and was a familiar guest at colonel[166] ludington’s house. on one occasion washington and rochambeau, on their way from hartford to fishkill, called there for dinner.

in the journal of captain william beatty, of the maryland line, the following entry occurs under date of sunday, september 20, 1778:

“we marched about four miles past fredericksburgh, where we lay until the 22nd, on which day our division marched about 12 miles towards fishkill. at this place we lay until the 28th, when we marched to fishkills.” it seems probable that on this march the troops, presumably under baron de kalb, passed by colonel ludington’s house, and were halted there for the two days mentioned. if so, their stopping there and paying in scrip for the food supplied by the ludingtons form the basis of the tradition in the ludington family, that at one time colonel ludington received so much depreciated currency from the soldiers that he scarcely knew what to do with it, and finally stored it under the floor boards of his house for safe keeping. mrs. ludington collected it from the soldiers in her apron, and got her apron running over full. long afterward colonel ludington burned a trunkful of the stuff, as worthless litter.

the ludington house, standing, as before mentioned, on the great highway from hartford to the hudson, was often resorted to by travelers as an inn, and while the british held new york city, the greater part of all travel between new england and the other colonies passed that way. william ellery,[167] of massachusetts, a signer of the declaration of independence, traveled that road and stopped at colonel ludington’s in the fall of 1777, on his way from his home at dighton, massachusetts, to york, pennsylvania, to attend the session of the first continental congress. he was accompanied by the hon. francis dana and his servant, whom he calls, in his whimsical diary, respectively don quixote and sancho panza, while to himself he gives the title of pill garlick. under date of “road to danbury, nov. 5th,” he records:

we intended when we reached litchfield to have gone to peekskill, and there crossed the north river, but when we got to danbury we were dissuaded from it by the person at whose house we breakfasted, who told us that there were tories and horse stealers on that road. this account occasioned us to take the fishkill road. accordingly we set off, baited at the foot of quaker hill, about 7 miles from danbury, and reached colonel ludington’s 8 miles from the foregoing stage at night. here mens meminisse horret! we were told by our landlady the col. was gone to new windsor, that there was a guard on the road between fishkill and peekskill, that one of the guard had been killed, about 6 miles off, and that a man not long before had been shot at on the road to fishkill not more than three miles from their house and that a guard had been placed there for some time past, and had been dismissed only three days. we were now in a doleful pickle, not a male in the house but don[168] quixote and his man sancho and poor pill garlick, and no lodging for the first and last but in a lower room without any shutters to the windows or locks to the doors. what was to be done? what could be done? in the first place we fortified our stomachs with beefsteak and grogg and then went to work to fortify ourselves against an attack. the knight of the woeful countenance asked whether there were any guns in the house. two were produced, one of them in good order. nails were fixed over the windows, the guns placed in a corner of the room, a pistol under each of our pillows, and the hanger against the bedpost, thus accoutered and prepared at all points our heroes went to bed. whether the valiant knight slept a wink or not, pill garlick cannot say, for he was so overcome with fatigue, and his animal spirits were so solaced with the beef and the grogg, that every trace of fear was utterly erased from his imagination and he slept soundly from evening till morning, save that at midnight, as he fancieth, he was waked by his companion, with this interesting question, delivered with a tremulous voice, “what noise is that?” he listened and soon discovered that the noise was occasioned by some rats gnawing the head of a bread cask. after satisfying the knight about the noise, he took his second and finishing nap.

again, in colonel israel angell’s diary, cited by mr. patrick, we find:

29th nov, 1779. this morning after breakfast i got my horses shodd, crost the north river over to fishkill. went on for danbury, col[169] greene and mr. griffen. greene went for springfield so we parted about six miles from fishkill, but still could get nothing for our horses, till riding ten or twelve miles, there dind and fed our horses, then went to colo luttentons tavern among the mountains 21 miles from fishkills there put up for the night. one of col. livingston’s officers came to this tavern in the evening on his way home on a furlough.

nov. 30th, 1779. left my lodgings this morning after breakfast went on for danbury.

it is probable, indeed, that for a time washington himself made colonel ludington’s house his headquarters. in the late summer and fall of 1778 he had his army in that region, and made his own headquarters at fredericksburgh, as related by irving and lossing. he wrote, under date of fredericksburgh on september 12 and 23, describing the disposition of his army, “the second line, with lord sterling, in the vicinity of fredericksburgh.” he was there with the exception of a week from september 12 to the end of november. part of the time his headquarters were at the house of john kane—also spelled kain and keane. this house stood on the site since occupied by the house of mr. charles h. roberts, at pawling, and was a large house, connected by a stone-walled passageway with another large stone building, the ground floor of which was used as a store and the upper story for dwelling purposes. the land was a part of beverly robinson’s estate. kane, of whom mention has already been[170] made in colonel ludington’s correspondence, was a tory and was particularly obnoxious to the patriots. under the law of october, 1779, his estate was confiscated, and he, a dignified and venerable magistrate, was tied to the tail of a cart and drummed out of town.

reduced fac-simile of letter, from governor george clinton, to col. henry ludington.

(original in possession of charles h. ludington, new york city)

we have already quoted correspondence between governor clinton and colonel ludington, showing the difficulties which were encountered in raising troops for various services. as time went on these difficulties increased rather than diminished, so that now and then the governor was impatient at the unavoidable delay. thus he wrote on one occasion as follows:

pokeepsie 9th june 1779.

sir,

i wrote to you a few days ago requesting you to expedite the raising of the levies to be furnished by your regiment but as i have not since heard from you i conclude the letter has miscarried. i have now therefore to repeat my orders that your quota be raised with all dispatch and marched down under the command of an active subaltern to join the detachment from major crane’s and colo. drake’s regimts (stationed at crompond, to cover the country there from the depredations of the enemy) until my further orders.

i will send an officer to relieve, as soon as possible, the subaltern you shall appoint for this service.

as i think it more than probable that i shall[171] be under a necessity of employing the levies from your regiment, in the quarter to which they are now directed, i expect it will be an inducement to the officers to exert themselves in raising them and that the men may more easily be obtained. i have only to add that i expect also a speedy and effectual compliance with these orders and that you will make me immediate report of what shall be done in consequence of them.

i am sir

your most obed

geo. clinton.

colo. ludington.

public service, geo. clinton.

to colo. henry ludington fredericksburgh. by express.

colonel ludington was, however, more successful in securing recruits than some other militia commanders in that region. colonel roswell hopkins, at amenia, seems to have met with many troubles, which ultimately led to his resignation of his commission. in the summer of 1780 much trouble arose over trafficking in certificates of exemption, and this correspondence took place:

amenia, july 12th, 1780.

sir, in obedience to brigade orders of the 30th ult. i now return to your excellency the[172] number of classes in my regiment for raising the present levies for three months; the number is sixty-two; the men are to be delivered the 14th instant at major cook’s & the 15th at capt. roger sutherland’s to such officer as your excellencey shall appoint. i am, sir, your most obedient hum. serv’t,

roswell hopkins, colo.

his excellency gov’r. clinton.

may it please your excellency, we, the subscribers, beg leave to inform your excellency that difficulties have arose in this regiment respecting exemption from militia drafts certificates which have been transferred for a valuable consideration by the procurer to another person—that is whether the purchaser of such certificate is by act of the legislature, pass’d the 25th of march 1778, for exempting persons from drafts are as much exempted from militia duty as the first procurers would be in case he had not transfer’d it. there being several such instances in the regiments and different opinions in the matter which is likely to produce uneasiness, and we being inform’d that it has been the practice in other regiments to exempt the purchasers of such certificates. there is james hildreth & lemuel brush—under this predicament the men that they purchas’d of have done duty in this regiment ever since they transfer’d their certificates to the present holders. as their appears to be no fraud or collusion respecting the said james hildreth and brush, we pray your excellency’s[173] advice and direction respecting such purchas’d certificates which will oblige your excellency’s most obedient humble servants

roswell hopkins, colo.

william barker, lt. colo.

brinton paine, major.

eben. husted, maj’r.

amenia, july 12 1780.

his excellency gov’r clinton.

thes may sartify that i am knoing to the truth of what is in the above, as i then commanded the ridgment, & am knoing to theas 2 men mench’ed dus now due duty in the ridgment.

david sutherland.

poukeepsie 13th july 1780.

sir, i am this moment favoured with your two letters of equal date. his excellency genl. washington in consideration of the busy season of the year & other reasons has prolonged the day for the levies to rendevous at fishkill till 25th instant. this i notified brig’r genl. swartwoudt of by after orders which i concluded he had issued to his brigade. i will send an officer to receive & take charge of your men in season to march them to the place of rendevous. this delay i flatter myself will be agreable as they may be employed in gathering in the harvests & it will afford them time fully to prepare & provide themselves for the campaign which is the more necessary as they are not to be relieved.

[174]

i wish it was in my power to relieve mr. brush & hildridge as i believe they meant to act honestly & uprightly; but it is not as they have not proceeded agreeable to law and none but such are exempted—neither am i vested with any discretionary power of determining in such cases. i have explained myself more fully to mr. brush & am, sir, your &c.

(g. c.)

(to colonel hopkins)

a little later colonel hopkins had a lively experience with a press-master from connecticut, which he reported to the governor—his letter being of interest for the picture which it gives of the times and customs in which colonel ludington was a participant:

amenia aug’t 19th 1780.

may it please your excellency, i beg leave to trouble your excellency with a remonstrance concerning a certain press-master, one george tremble, who is a transient person that lives in connecticut, who came to me on the 8th instant and told me he wanted my team to carry forrage to the fishkills. i told him my circumstances was such that i could not let them go, for it would ruin me for my wheat, about 130 bushels, all i had was in the field and it would spoil. my oats, 200 or 300 busshels all lay in the swarth, and would be lost, for i had no help but one son, and could not hire any man; my flax a fine crop was all in the field and some hay in the meadow, and my grass lodged and rotting, but he said he[175] cared not for that, but i should go myself with my team the next day. i told him if i could secure my grain i would send my son and team the next week, but he said i should go the next day. i told him i would not; he showed me a coppy of a press warrent from your excellency to colo. hay with a line from him on the back authorizing said tremble to impress teams & drivers in this state.

i told him that was no legal warrent to him; he rode off saying he would get a warrent for me, & then told all about he had got a warrent for me; but on the 14th he came again with a sergeant & 8 men & entered my field, siezed my son & confined him under guard, drove out my fatten oxen that i was fattening for the army, took my horses & forced my son to drive them with a lode of my own oats to the fishkills, altho i consented if they must go they might carry my oats, he told me i was a disaffected person, had done nothing to support the cause, held bad princeples, was a dam’d lyer and a dam’d rascal.

i have fined him for cursing; sued him for trespass & issued a warrant against him in order to bind him to his good behaviour & recorded a riot against him.

i think its a pity that there is not a man in this precinct county or state that can be trusted with a press warrant, but such an outlandish irish, malicious, abusive fellow must be sent into this precinct to press all the whiggs teams, & none in charlotte, which is near 3 times as big, and half tories, for i cant learn of one being pressed there; after all the malicious fellow wrote a letter to colo. hay sent by the soldiers that my team[176] capt. shepherd’s & mr. ingersoll’s teams were disaffected teams, and requested they might be kept in service a month; he abused others besides me. i am, sir, your most obedient hum’e serv’t

roswell hopkins.

p. s. one stack of my wheat is spoiled being wet thro & grown & i shall loose about six tons of hay. r. h.

his excellency governour clinton.

at the beginning of may, 1781, however, colonel hopkins gave up the struggle to maintain his quota of men in the field, and insisted upon resigning his commission:

amenia, may 1st 1781.

sir, i wrote to your excellency about a fortnight ago to acquaint you that the classes of my regiment were to deliver their men yesterday, and requested an officer might be sent to recive them agreeable to general orders, but no man or orders came. i was greatly non-plushed & knew not what to do, but have mustered the men and ordered them to meet at peleg tabors near mr. david johnston, on saturday this week at 10 o’clock, to march immediately off, when and where i hope your excellency will give some one orders to take care of them. i fear they will not appear at that time as no one has the care of them. i fear they will desert, they have got their bounties.

sir, i must still insist on resigning my military commission as i am wore out with the[177] trouble & expence of it. i think it unaccountable that the vacancies in my regt. are not filled up, when i have made so many returns and requests, and have had no adjutant for near 2 years and orders to send to my capts. very offen indeed. sir, i desire if any officers are appointed this way to go with these levies, i might be informed by the bearer who they be; pray excuse the want of paper for i have wrote up 4 quire in a short time lately in orders &c. all gratis, and know not where i can get more. i have collected some money from the delinquent classes for during the war. i am, sir, your most obed’t serv’t

roswell hopkins, colo.

his excellency gover’r clinton.

colonel ludington also appears to have had many troubles and vexations at this time, though his “staying qualities” were superior to those of colonel hopkins. he wrote to the governor on the very day on which colonel hopkins resigned, as follows:

fredericks burgh, may 1st 1781.

honoured sir, i was yesterday a coming to wait on your excellency, but hearing of my little son (who is at school at danbury) lying very dangerous with the plurisy, was obliged to turn my course that way, for which reason obliges me to commit my errand in writing. your excellency no dought has been inform’d of our troubles of late in regard of a large party of robbers being for four weeks past near me in the[178] mountains, which has occasioned me in some measure of being behind hand in turning out my men for the nine months service, for the chief part of my regiment has been out ever since the robbers came among us, and, sir, were you to be fully acquainted with the difficulty i now labour under you would think is impossible for me to do it, as i have but one field officer, which is major robinson who lives so near the lines that he has enough to take care of himself, the circumstances of my wife and family renders it inconvenient for me to move immediately if i intend to save my life, or anything for my family’s support. my captains seeing the distresses that is daily comeing upon themselves by reason of haveing their sergents sued and torn to pieces for what necessity required them to do among the tories, while we was under the authority of committees, and many of their best men are beat and robbed by persons who say they are refugees from below. it is only for them to call a man a tory, be him ever so good a man, himself, wife and children get beat in such a manner that he’s obliged to turn out his substance to save their lives. and at best the regiment are verry poor when compared with other regiments and are call’d on to raise an eaquil number with the others, when i can affirm that ten farmers in coll. brinckerhoff’s regiment is able to purchase the whole of mine. in this uneaquil way, i have been obliged to turn out my men untill they are so much impoverish’d that they almost dispair.

it seems the power of earth and hell was let loose against me and my regiment. even one of the most abandant ruffins is indulged to hold[179] me up to public view for cowardice, for challenging him to fight a duel. it is what i never thought on, neither did he think i did, but was let loose upon me by the instigation of a set of ruffins who conspired together to take my life, and i knowing this kees to be a transient person who had neither connection, credit, money or friends, nor no place of residence here, that it was out of my power to get recompence from such a fellow as he, unless it was by giveing him a floging, and that he had put out of my power by secreting himself. this being my situation shall expect from your excellency some directions and advice by a line what will be best for me to doe. i something expect that general swartwout will wait on you this day, who will be able to state some of the difficulties i have mentioned and whether it will not be best to anex my regiment to some other regiment, or give me some field officers, who in time of turning out my men will be better able and more willing to assist me.

am, sir, with due regard your excellency’s most obed’t and verry hum’e serv’t

henry ludinton.

his excelency george clinton, esqr.

the governor regarded colonel ludington’s request for more officers as reasonable, and promptly complied with it as follows:

sir, in answer to yours of the 1st instant i have to inform you that lieuts. johnson, duel & becker of your regt. are appointed officers in[180] the levies. these will have orders to receive & march your quota to the place of rendevouz. the last i received from you i answered a day or two after it came to hand. my letter was forwarded by judge paine. if you apply to the secry. i imagine you will find that the appointments for your regt. agreable to your return have long since been perfected. agreable to a notification in the public news papers the council mett at this place on the 26th instant. it would have been proper to have applied to them at that time either to have had the vacancies in your regt. filled up or to have made your resignation as they only have the power of doing the former or of accepting of the latter. i am &c.

(g. c.)

there may be some other gentlemen residing within your regt. appointed officers for the levies but of this i cant be certain as i am neither acquainted with its limits or their places of residence. (to colonel ludinton.)

a fortnight later new orders as to the distribution of levies were issued. colonel ludington was to be retained on duty in westchester county, where he was much needed. but a sharp controversy arose over his alleged dilatoriness in raising his quota of men. these letters indicate the general trend of affairs at that time:

fishkeels 13th may 1781.

d’r governor, i have just returnd from three days fortague receving colo. vanderburgh levies.

[181]

i beg to no what part of ulster county i shall derect that part of the levis to purposed for that quarter. i have proposed capt. livingston for that command & beg he may be as ney my post as posable. i am your excel’cy most obt. hbl. serv’t

e. v. bunschoten.

his ex’ly g. clinton.

n. b. i expose my poverty as to paper.

may 13th 1781.

s’r, i have rec’d your letter by capt. livingston. the detachm’t intended for the frontiers of ulster are to proceed to kingston. colo. graham’s regt. will furnish 50 so that no more are to be sent than with them will make up 100. i am anxious that those for albany be dispatched as soon as possible, and it is my wish that a part of those already on the ground be sent there as their appearance on the frontier will give confidence to the inhabitants. field’s & ludington’s levies are intended for west chester. call in all the absent officers immediately. capts. marshall & whelp who belong to willet’s regt. ought to join & take charge of the detachm’t intended for albany.

(g. c.)

(major van bunschoten.)

poughkeepsie, may 13th 1781.

sir, i am informed by letter from colo. luddenton that he has not yet done any thing towards[182] raising the levies from his regt., that they are not even formed into classes. i must, therefore, insist that you immediately take the measures directed by law for drawing forth his proportion of men, together with the deficiencies from all the other regiments, a return of which will be furnished you by major buntschoten on your application. the service will by no means admit of delay in this business. i, therefore, expect your utmost exertions. i am &c.

geo. clinton.

brig’r. genl. swartwout.

fishkill may 16th 1781.

d’r sir, agreable to your exlancey’s order, i wated on colo. luddenton to receive the levies from his ridgment; he promisd to have them ready the next week, but hearing he made no stur, i sent lt. dyckman to know when i might expect them, but he could not see him. i then went myself several times before i could see him; he at length set a day to receive them but neighther he nor his men mad ther appearance. i cald on him the nex day to know the reason, but he was out of the way. i then concluded to report to him but by chance i met him on the road; he then promised to turn them out the twenty first of the month. should i bee disapointed again, i shall wait on your exlancey with the perticulars and remain, with the greatest esteem, your exlancey’s most obediant and most umble serv’t

d’nl williams.

his exlancey governor clinton.

[183]

colonel ludington appears to have fulfilled his word and to have completed his quota in a satisfactory manner, for there is no indication of any further complaints, and he is known to have continued in the service in the best of standing. his next correspondence with governor clinton had to do with the petitions of two deserters for clemency, and with the case of a woman who had become an outlaw. colonel ludington’s letter and the petition, and the governor’s reply, were as follows:

fredericksburgh, september 21d, 1781.

honored sir: being acquainted with the contents of the petition sent you enclosed from sem’r arnold and cowin should esteam it as a favour dun unto them and my self if it should have its desired efect. but be that as it may an answer from his excelenz consearning the same will mutch oblige your very humble servant

to his excellency george clinton, esqr. governor.

petition of daniel cowing and seymour arnold.

to his excellency george clinton esquire governor of the state of new york:

the humble petition of daniel cowing & seymour arnold.

humbly sheweth—that your petitioners were by undue influence and evil example[184] unhappily led to desert their station in the levies under captain williams on the lines in the county of westchester and though your petitioners upon the first reflection were sensible of the enormity of their crime & inclined to return to their duty, the dread of corporal punishment prevented them till pardon could be procured from their officers; that many applications for that purpose have been made by persons employed by your petitr. without effect, that your petitr. are heartily sorry for, and ashamed of their conduct, are fully determined and solemnly promise never to be guilty of the same crime again under any circumstances or treatment whatsoever, that your petrs. hope some indulgence from their known attachment to the public cause as your petrs. have been in the service a great part of the time since the war commenced and are now willing to make every amend in their power to the state by serving longer than the time limited or otherways as your excellency or their officers may appoint, if by your excellency’s interposing in their favour your petrs. may be exempted from corporal punishment for this offence and at liberty to return to their duty immediately this your petitrs. implore & hope from your excellencys known clemency.

and your petrs. as in duty bound will ever pray.

poughkeepsie, septr, 21st 1781.

sir, i have rec’d your letter of this date with the petition of the deserters from capt. williams’[185] company & the request of the overseers of poor relative to mrs. webb.

the levies you may remember are by the law put under the command of the commander in chief & made subject to the continental articles of war. genl. heath has now the command of the department & the application in behalf of the petitioners should be to him. i cannot with propriety interfere in the matter. but at any rate they ought first to deliver themselves up & offer to return to their duty before they can expect a remission of the punishment they have incurred.

with respect to mrs. webb—the law makes it the duty of the justices to warn her out of the state and she is to depart within twenty days after notice given her accordingly, or be out of the protection of the law, i am,

(g. c.)

colo. luddinton fredericksburgh.

later in the war, much difficulty was again experienced in raising the desired levies:

fredricksburgh, aprill 14th, 1782.

honoured sir, it will be neadles for me to state to your excelency the difficulties and disadvantiges my distresd regment labours under as in regard of raising their quota of men,[186] for sure i am that if it was consistant his excelency would give us every asistance in his power. this one request i shall atempt to make that we should have an offisar or two apointed in the regiment. if that should be the case i think it would have a tendancy to aleviate us in the pain of raising them and prevent desartions which hath been verry preverlent 2 or 3 of the last campains. the men i raised the last year were as good men as i would evr wish to command, were put under capt. williams and desarted all to a man. as it is so burthensom to rase the money to pay their bounties pray let us indeavour they shall do the service intended. it is my opinion that lt. charles stewart that was with colo. wesenfell last year will answer well for a capt. and his son for a 2 l’dtant.

am sir his excelencys verry humble servant

henry ludinton.

governor clinton.

a few days later he wrote again:

fredricksburgh aprill 23, 1782.

honoured sir,

i must beg leave to trouble his excelency this once more with my request that lt charles stuart shall be indulged with the same[187] offise he held last year under colo. wiesenfelt. i should not so strenuously insist upon it only that i am sensable it will have a tendancy to induce the young men of his aquantance to inlist and that for a mutch les sum than if they were to go with strangers. sir for the reasons above resited i shall hope his excelency will grant this my request as well as others. i am sir his excelencys most obedient and humble servant

henry ludinton.

to george clinton esqr. governor.

p. s. sir a line by way of answer if it should be agreable.

thus colonel ludington served through the war to its close, in his various capacities, and at the end was much concerned with securing settlements of the pay due to himself and his troops. his own rate of pay is indicated in several entries on the pay-rolls. thus we find—

abstract of pay & rations due col. henry luddington’s regt. of dutchess county militia in the service of the united states at different periods between march 1779 & november 1780.

[188]

names. rank commencing ending time

months days

henry luddington colonel 1779

march 1780

novemr. 1 5

dollars pr month rations amount of rations. amount of pay and rations.

rations price

75 210 10d 8:15:—. 43:15:—.

apparently it was long after the war before all these matters were fully adjusted, as the date of the following affidavit shows:

i henry ludinton do solemnly and sincerely swear that the list hereunto annexed contains an account of all certificates that remained in my hands of those that were issued by the treasurer and delivered to me for paying my regiment; that the remainder were to the best of my knowledge and belief delivered to the persons who performed the services or their legal representatives and that the names subscribed to the vouchers produced were bona fide subscribed by them.

henry ludenton.

sworn before me this 13th day of septr. 1792.

gerard bancker treasr.

voucher no. 306, of “the united states to the state of new york, dr. for payments on certificates for military services performed in the late war,” presumably covering all payment made to[189] colonel ludington for federal services, shows a total of ￡1330:19s:2d.

pay certificate of a member of colonel ludington’s regiment

colonel ludington appears to have been the purchaser, for cash, of some of the lands apportioned to soldiers as bounties for their services. thus in the “manuscripts of the colony and state of new york in the revolutionary war,” on file in the controller’s office at albany, mr. patrick has found this entry:

we the subscribers members of a class in capt. william pierce’s company and colo. john field’s regiment who have procured a man to wit christian null to serve in the levies of this state until the first day of january next who has been delivered and a certificut taken for such delivery according to law whereby the said class is entitled to two hundred acres of unappropriated land we do therefore in consideration of the sum of five pounds to us in hand paid by henry ludenton esqr the receipt whereof we do acknowledge and do grant and transfer unto the said henry ludenton esqr. his heirs and assigns the whole right of the said two hundred acres of land which said class is entitled to in persuance of a law of this state entitled an act for raising troops to complete the line of this state in the service of the united states and the two regiments to be raised on bounties of unappropriated lands and for the further defence of the frontiers of this state passed the 25th of march 1782 to have and to hold the sd two hundred acres of land unto the sd henry ludinton his heirs and assigns to his[190] and their proper use and benefit and behoof forever as witness our hands and seals this the 3d of march 1783.

henry ludinton

assignee and assignor

edmund ferris

asa sabin

john caswell.

john peaslee

richd furniss

james ferris

stephen stevenson

warren ferris.

seald and delivered in presence of

jathro sherman

james ferriss

this document is endorsed as follows:

be it remembered that i henry ludinton do assign over this within conveyance unto benjamin conklin and to his heirs and assigns to reserve and injoy the land therein mentioned.

henry ludinton.

dated november 1st 1783 in presence of eleazar weed.

with such transactions the military service of colonel ludington was concluded, and the remainder of his busy life was reserved for civil duties and his private affairs.