taste for physical gratifications united in america to love of freedom and attention to public affairs
when a democratic state turns to absolute monarchy, the activity which was before directed to public and to private affairs is all at once centred upon the latter: the immediate consequence is, for some time, great physical prosperity; but this impulse soon slackens, and the amount of productive industry is checked. i know not if a single trading or manufacturing people can be cited, from the tyrians down to the florentines and the english, who were not a free people also. there is therefore a close bond and necessary relation between these two elements—freedom and productive industry. this proposition is generally true of all nations, but especially of democratic nations. i have already shown that men who live in ages of equality continually require to form associations in order to procure the things they covet; and, on the other hand, i have shown how great political freedom improves and diffuses the art of association. freedom, in these ages, is therefore especially favorable to the production of wealth; nor is it difficult to perceive that despotism is especially adverse to the same result. the nature of despotic power in democratic ages is not to be fierce or cruel, but minute and meddling. despotism of this kind, though it does not trample on humanity, is directly opposed to the genius of commerce and the pursuits of industry.
thus the men of democratic ages require to be free in order more readily to procure those physical enjoyments for which they are always longing. it sometimes happens, however, that the excessive taste they conceive for these same enjoyments abandons them to the first master who appears. the passion for worldly welfare then defeats itself, and, without perceiving it, throws the object of their desires to a greater distance.
there is, indeed, a most dangerous passage in the history of a democratic people. when the taste for physical gratifications amongst such a people has grown more rapidly than their education and their experience of free institutions, the time will come when men are carried away, and lose all self-restraint, at the sight of the new possessions they are about to lay hold upon. in their intense and exclusive anxiety to make a fortune, they lose sight of the close connection which exists between the private fortune of each of them and the prosperity of all. it is not necessary to do violence to such a people in order to strip them of the rights they enjoy; they themselves willingly loosen their hold. the discharge of political duties appears to them to be a troublesome annoyance, which diverts them from their occupations and business. if they be required to elect representatives, to support the government by personal service, to meet on public business, they have no time—they cannot waste their precious time in useless engagements: such idle amusements are unsuited to serious men who are engaged with the more important interests of life. these people think they are following the principle of self-interest, but the idea they entertain of that principle is a very rude one; and the better to look after what they call their business, they neglect their chief business, which is to remain their own masters.
as the citizens who work do not care to attend to public business, and as the class which might devote its leisure to these duties has ceased to exist, the place of the government is, as it were, unfilled. if at that critical moment some able and ambitious man grasps the supreme power, he will find the road to every kind of usurpation open before him. if he does but attend for some time to the material prosperity of the country, no more will be demanded of him. above all he must insure public tranquillity: men who are possessed by the passion of physical gratification generally find out that the turmoil of freedom disturbs their welfare, before they discover how freedom itself serves to promote it. if the slightest rumor of public commotion intrudes into the petty pleasures of private life, they are aroused and alarmed by it. the fear of anarchy perpetually haunts them, and they are always ready to fling away their freedom at the first disturbance.
i readily admit that public tranquillity is a great good; but at the same time i cannot forget that all nations have been enslaved by being kept in good order. certainly it is not to be inferred that nations ought to despise public tranquillity; but that state ought not to content them. a nation which asks nothing of its government but the maintenance of order is already a slave at heart—the slave of its own well-being, awaiting but the hand that will bind it. by such a nation the despotism of faction is not less to be dreaded than the despotism of an individual. when the bulk of the community is engrossed by private concerns, the smallest parties need not despair of getting the upper hand in public affairs. at such times it is not rare to see upon the great stage of the world, as we see at our theatres, a multitude represented by a few players, who alone speak in the name of an absent or inattentive crowd: they alone are in action whilst all are stationary; they regulate everything by their own caprice; they change the laws, and tyrannize at will over the manners of the country; and then men wonder to see into how small a number of weak and worthless hands a great people may fall.
hitherto the americans have fortunately escaped all the perils which i have just pointed out; and in this respect they are really deserving of admiration. perhaps there is no country in the world where fewer idle men are to be met with than in america, or where all who work are more eager to promote their own welfare. but if the passion of the americans for physical gratifications is vehement, at least it is not indiscriminating; and reason, though unable to restrain it, still directs its course. an american attends to his private concerns as if he were alone in the world, and the next minute he gives himself up to the common weal as if he had forgotten them. at one time he seems animated by the most selfish cupidity, at another by the most lively patriotism. the human heart cannot be thus divided. the inhabitants of the united states alternately display so strong and so similar a passion for their own welfare and for their freedom, that it may be supposed that these passions are united and mingled in some part of their character. and indeed the americans believe their freedom to be the best instrument and surest safeguard of their welfare: they are attached to the one by the other. they by no means think that they are not called upon to take a part in the public weal; they believe, on the contrary, that their chief business is to secure for themselves a government which will allow them to acquire the things they covet, and which will not debar them from the peaceful enjoyment of those possessions which they have acquired.
