appendix a
for information concerning all the countries of the west which have not been visited by europeans, consult the account of two expeditions undertaken at the expense of congress by major long. this traveller particularly mentions, on the subject of the great american desert, that a line may be drawn nearly parallel to the 20th degree of longitude *a (meridian of washington), beginning from the red river and ending at the river platte. from this imaginary line to the rocky mountains, which bound the valley of the mississippi on the west, lie immense plains, which are almost entirely covered with sand, incapable of cultivation, or scattered over with masses of granite. in summer, these plains are quite destitute of water, and nothing is to be seen on them but herds of buffaloes and wild horses. some hordes of indians are also found there, but in no great numbers. major long was told that in travelling northwards from the river platte you find the same desert lying constantly on the left; but he was unable to ascertain the truth of this report. however worthy of confidence may be the narrative of major long, it must be remembered that he only passed through the country of which he speaks, without deviating widely from the line which he had traced out for his journey.
a
[ the 20th degree of longitude, according to the meridian of washington, agrees very nearly with the 97th degree on the meridian of greenwich.]
appendix b
south america, in the region between the tropics, produces an incredible profusion of climbing plants, of which the flora of the antilles alone presents us with forty different species. among the most graceful of these shrubs is the passion-flower, which, according to descourtiz, grows with such luxuriance in the antilles, as to climb trees by means of the tendrils with which it is provided, and form moving bowers of rich and elegant festoons, decorated with blue and purple flowers, and fragrant with perfume. the mimosa scandens (acacia a grandes gousses) is a creeper of enormous and rapid growth, which climbs from tree to tree, and sometimes covers more than half a league.
appendix c
the languages which are spoken by the indians of america, from the pole to cape horn, are said to be all formed upon the same model, and subject to the same grammatical rules; whence it may fairly be concluded that all the indian nations sprang from the same stock. each tribe of the american continent speaks a different dialect; but the number of languages, properly so called, is very small, a fact which tends to prove that the nations of the new world had not a very remote origin. moreover, the languages of america have a great degree of regularity, from which it seems probable that the tribes which employ them had not undergone any great revolutions, or been incorporated voluntarily or by constraint, with foreign nations. for it is generally the union of several languages into one which produces grammatical irregularities. it is not long since the american languages, especially those of the north, first attracted the serious attention of philologists, when the discovery was made that this idiom of a barbarous people was the product of a complicated system of ideas and very learned combinations. these languages were found to be very rich, and great pains had been taken at their formation to render them agreeable to the ear. the grammatical system of the americans differs from all others in several points, but especially in the following:—some nations of europe, amongst others the germans, have the power of combining at pleasure different expressions, and thus giving a complex sense to certain words. the indians have given a most surprising extension to this power, so as to arrive at the means of connecting a great number of ideas with a single term. this will be easily understood with the help of an example quoted by mr. duponceau, in the "memoirs of the philosophical society of america": a delaware woman playing with a cat or a young dog, says this writer, is heard to pronounce the word kuligatschis, which is thus composed: k is the sign of the second person, and signifies "thou" or "thy"; uli is a part of the word wulit, which signifies "beautiful," "pretty"; gat is another fragment, of the word wichgat, which means "paw"; and, lastly, schis is a diminutive giving the idea of smallness. thus in one word the indian woman has expressed "thy pretty little paw." take another example of the felicity with which the savages of america have composed their words. a young man of delaware is called pilape. this word is formed from pilsit, "chaste," "innocent"; and lenape, "man"; viz., "man in his purity and innocence." this facility of combining words is most remarkable in the strange formation of their verbs. the most complex action is often expressed by a single verb, which serves to convey all the shades of an idea by the modification of its construction. those who may wish to examine more in detail this subject, which i have only glanced at superficially, should read:—
1. the correspondence of mr. duponceau and the rev. mr. hecwelder relative to the indian languages, which is to be found in the first volume of the "memoirs of the philosophical society of america," published at philadelphia, 1819, by abraham small; vol. i. p. 356-464.
2. the "grammar of the delaware or the lenape language," by geiberger, and the preface of mr. duponceau. all these are in the same collection, vol. iii.
3. an excellent account of these works, which is at the end of the sixth volume of the american encyclopaedia.
appendix d
see in charlevoix, vol. i. p. 235, the history of the first war which the french inhabitants of canada carried on, in 1610, against the iroquois. the latter, armed with bows and arrows, offered a desperate resistance to the french and their allies. charlevoix is not a great painter, yet he exhibits clearly enough, in this narrative, the contrast between the european manners and those of savages, as well as the different way in which the two races of men understood the sense of honor. when the french, says he, seized upon the beaver-skins which covered the indians who had fallen, the hurons, their allies, were greatly offended at this proceeding; but without hesitation they set to work in their usual manner, inflicting horrid cruelties upon the prisoners, and devouring one of those who had been killed, which made the frenchmen shudder. the barbarians prided themselves upon a scrupulousness which they were surprised at not finding in our nation, and could not understand that there was less to reprehend in the stripping of dead bodies than in the devouring of their flesh like wild beasts. charlevoix, in another place (vol. i. p. 230), thus describes the first torture of which champlain was an eyewitness, and the return of the hurons into their own village. having proceeded about eight leagues, says he, our allies halted; and having singled out one of their captives, they reproached him with all the cruelties which he had practised upon the warriors of their nation who had fallen into his hands, and told him that he might expect to be treated in like manner; adding, that if he had any spirit he would prove it by singing. he immediately chanted forth his death-song, and then his war-song, and all the songs he knew, "but in a very mournful strain," says champlain, who was not then aware that all savage music has a melancholy character. the tortures which succeeded, accompanied by all the horrors which we shall mention hereafter, terrified the french, who made every effort to put a stop to them, but in vain. the following night, one of the hurons having dreamt that they were pursued, the retreat was changed to a real flight, and the savages never stopped until they were out of the reach of danger. the moment they perceived the cabins of their own village, they cut themselves long sticks, to which they fastened the scalps which had fallen to their share, and carried them in triumph. at this sight, the women swam to the canoes, where they received the bloody scalps from the hands of their husbands, and tied them round their necks. the warriors offered one of these horrible trophies to champlain; they also presented him with some bows and arrows—the only spoils of the iroquois which they had ventured to seize—entreating him to show them to the king of france. champlain lived a whole winter quite alone among these barbarians, without being under any alarm for his person or property.
appendix e
although the puritanical strictness which presided over the establishment of the english colonies in america is now much relaxed, remarkable traces of it are still found in their habits and their laws. in 1792, at the very time when the anti-christian republic of france began its ephemeral existence, the legislative body of massachusetts promulgated the following law, to compel the citizens to observe the sabbath. we give the preamble and the principal articles of this law, which is worthy of the reader's attention: "whereas," says the legislator, "the observation of the sunday is an affair of public interest; inasmuch as it produces a necessary suspension of labor, leads men to reflect upon the duties of life, and the errors to which human nature is liable, and provides for the public and private worship of god, the creator and governor of the universe, and for the performance of such acts of charity as are the ornament and comfort of christian societies:—whereas irreligious or light-minded persons, forgetting the duties which the sabbath imposes, and the benefits which these duties confer on society, are known to profane its sanctity, by following their pleasures or their affairs; this way of acting being contrary to their own interest as christians, and calculated to annoy those who do not follow their example; being also of great injury to society at large, by spreading a taste for dissipation and dissolute manners; be it enacted and ordained by the governor, council, and representatives convened in general court of assembly, that all and every person and persons shall on that day carefully apply themselves to the duties of religion and piety, that no tradesman or labourer shall exercise his ordinary calling, and that no game or recreation shall be used on the lord's day, upon pain of forfeiting ten shillings.
"that no one shall travel on that day, or any part thereof, under pain of forfeiting twenty shillings; that no vessel shall leave a harbour of the colony; that no persons shall keep outside the meeting-house during the time of public worship, or profane the time by playing or talking, on penalty of five shillings.
"public-houses shall not entertain any other than strangers or lodgers, under penalty of five shillings for every person found drinking and abiding therein.
"any person in health, who, without sufficient reason, shall omit to worship god in public during three months, shall be condemned to a fine of ten shillings.
"any person guilty of misbehaviour in a place of public worship, shall be fined from five to forty shillings.
"these laws are to be enforced by the tything-men of each township, who have authority to visit public-houses on the sunday. the innkeeper who shall refuse them admittance, shall be fined forty shillings for such offence.
"the tything-men are to stop travellers, and require of them their reason for being on the road on sunday; anyone refusing to answer, shall be sentenced to pay a fine not exceeding five pounds sterling. if the reason given by the traveller be not deemed by the tything-man sufficient, he may bring the traveller before the justice of the peace of the district." (law of march 8, 1792; general laws of massachusetts, vol. i. p. 410.)
on march 11, 1797, a new law increased the amount of fines, half of which was to be given to the informer. (same collection, vol. ii. p. 525.) on february 16, 1816, a new law confirmed these same measures. (same collection, vol. ii. p. 405.) similar enactments exist in the laws of the state of new york, revised in 1827 and 1828. (see revised statutes, part i. chapter 20, p. 675.) in these it is declared that no one is allowed on the sabbath to sport, to fish, to play at games, or to frequent houses where liquor is sold. no one can travel, except in case of necessity. and this is not the only trace which the religious strictness and austere manners of the first emigrants have left behind them in the american laws. in the revised statutes of the state of new york, vol. i. p. 662, is the following clause:—
"whoever shall win or lose in the space of twenty-four hours, by gaming or betting, the sum of twenty-five dollars, shall be found guilty of a misdemeanour, and upon conviction shall be condemned to pay a fine equal to at least five times the value of the sum lost or won; which shall be paid to the inspector of the poor of the township. he that loses twenty-five dollars or more may bring an action to recover them; and if he neglects to do so the inspector of the poor may prosecute the winner, and oblige him to pay into the poor's box both the sum he has gained and three times as much besides."
the laws we quote from are of recent date; but they are unintelligible without going back to the very origin of the colonies. i have no doubt that in our days the penal part of these laws is very rarely applied. laws preserve their inflexibility, long after the manners of a nation have yielded to the influence of time. it is still true, however, that nothing strikes a foreigner on his arrival in america more forcibly than the regard paid to the sabbath. there is one, in particular, of the large american cities, in which all social movements begin to be suspended even on saturday evening. you traverse its streets at the hour at which you expect men in the middle of life to be engaged in business, and young people in pleasure; and you meet with solitude and silence. not only have all ceased to work, but they appear to have ceased to exist. neither the movements of industry are heard, nor the accents of joy, nor even the confused murmur which arises from the midst of a great city. chains are hung across the streets in the neighborhood of the churches; the half-closed shutters of the houses scarcely admit a ray of sun into the dwellings of the citizens. now and then you perceive a solitary individual who glides silently along the deserted streets and lanes. next day, at early dawn, the rolling of carriages, the noise of hammers, the cries of the population, begin to make themselves heard again. the city is awake. an eager crowd hastens towards the resort of commerce and industry; everything around you bespeaks motion, bustle, hurry. a feverish activity succeeds to the lethargic stupor of yesterday; you might almost suppose that they had but one day to acquire wealth and to enjoy it.
appendix f
it is unnecessary for me to say, that in the chapter which has just been read, i have not had the intention of giving a history of america. my only object was to enable the reader to appreciate the influence which the opinions and manners of the first emigrants had exercised upon the fate of the different colonies, and of the union in general. i have therefore confined myself to the quotation of a few detached fragments. i do not know whether i am deceived, but it appears to me that, by pursuing the path which i have merely pointed out, it would be easy to present such pictures of the american republics as would not be unworthy the attention of the public, and could not fail to suggest to the statesman matter for reflection. not being able to devote myself to this labor, i am anxious to render it easy to others; and, for this purpose, i subjoin a short catalogue and analysis of the works which seem to me the most important to consult.
at the head of the general documents which it would be advantageous to examine i place the work entitled "an historical collection of state papers, and other authentic documents, intended as materials for a history of the united states of america," by ebenezer hasard. the first volume of this compilation, which was printed at philadelphia in 1792, contains a literal copy of all the charters granted by the crown of england to the emigrants, as well as the principal acts of the colonial governments, during the commencement of their existence. amongst other authentic documents, we here find a great many relating to the affairs of new england and virginia during this period. the second volume is almost entirely devoted to the acts of the confederation of 1643. this federal compact, which was entered into by the colonies of new england with the view of resisting the indians, was the first instance of union afforded by the anglo-americans. there were besides many other confederations of the same nature, before the famous one of 1776, which brought about the independence of the colonies.
each colony has, besides, its own historic monuments, some of which are extremely curious; beginning with virginia, the state which was first peopled. the earliest historian of virginia was its founder, captain john smith. captain smith has left us an octavo volume, entitled "the generall historie of virginia and new england, by captain john smith, sometymes governor in those countryes, and admirall of new england"; printed at london in 1627. the work is adorned with curious maps and engravings of the time when it appeared; the narrative extends from the year 1584 to 1626. smith's work is highly and deservedly esteemed. the author was one of the most celebrated adventurers of a period of remarkable adventure; his book breathes that ardor for discovery, that spirit of enterprise, which characterized the men of his time, when the manners of chivalry were united to zeal for commerce, and made subservient to the acquisition of wealth. but captain smith is most remarkable for uniting to the virtues which characterized his contemporaries several qualities to which they were generally strangers; his style is simple and concise, his narratives bear the stamp of truth, and his descriptions are free from false ornament. this author throws most valuable light upon the state and condition of the indians at the time when north america was first discovered.
the second historian to consult is beverley, who commences his narrative with the year 1585, and ends it with 1700. the first part of his book contains historical documents, properly so called, relative to the infancy of the colony. the second affords a most curious picture of the state of the indians at this remote period. the third conveys very clear ideas concerning the manners, social conditions, laws, and political customs of the virginians in the author's lifetime. beverley was a native of virginia, which occasions him to say at the beginning of his book, that he entreats his readers not to exercise their critical severity upon it, since, having been born in the indies, he does not aspire to purity of language. notwithstanding this colonial modesty, the author shows throughout his book the impatience with which he endures the supremacy of the mother-country. in this work of beverley are also found numerous traces of that spirit of civil liberty which animated the english colonies of america at the time when he wrote. he also shows the dissensions which existed among them, and retarded their independence. beverley detests his catholic neighbors of maryland even more than he hates the english government: his style is simple, his narrative interesting, and apparently trustworthy.
i saw in america another work which ought to be consulted, entitled "the history of virginia," by william stith. this book affords some curious details, but i thought it long and diffuse. the most ancient as well as the best document to be consulted on the history of carolina, is a work in small quarto, entitled "the history of carolina," by john lawson, printed at london in 1718. this work contains, in the first part, a journey of discovery in the west of carolina; the account of which, given in the form of a journal, is in general confused and superficial; but it contains a very striking description of the mortality caused among the savages of that time both by the smallpox and the immoderate use of brandy; with a curious picture of the corruption of manners prevalent amongst them, which was increased by the presence of europeans. the second part of lawson's book is taken up with a description of the physical condition of carolina, and its productions. in the third part, the author gives an interesting account of the manners, customs, and government of the indians at that period. there is a good deal of talent and originality in this part of the work. lawson concludes his history with a copy of the charter granted to the carolinas in the reign of charles ii. the general tone of this work is light, and often licentious, forming a perfect contrast to the solemn style of the works published at the same period in new england. lawson's history is extremely scarce in america, and cannot be procured in europe. there is, however, a copy of it in the royal library at paris.
from the southern extremity of the united states, i pass at once to the northern limit; as the intermediate space was not peopled till a later period. i must first point out a very curious compilation, entitled "collection of the massachusetts historical society," printed for the first time at boston in 1792, and reprinted in 1806. the collection of which i speak, and which is continued to the present day, contains a great number of very valuable documents relating to the history of the different states in new england. among them are letters which have never been published, and authentic pieces which had been buried in provincial archives. the whole work of gookin, concerning the indians, is inserted there.
i have mentioned several times in the chapter to which this note relates, the work of nathaniel norton entitled "new england's memorial"; sufficiently, perhaps, to prove that it deserves the attention of those who would be conversant with the history of new england. this book is in octavo, and was reprinted at boston in 1826.
the most valuable and important authority which exists upon the history of new england, is the work of the rev. cotton mather, entitled "magnalia christi americana, or the ecclesiastical history of new england, 1620-1698, 2 vols. 8vo, reprinted at hartford, united states, in 1820." *b the author divided his work into seven books. the first presents the history of the events which prepared and brought about the establishment of new england. the second contains the lives of the first governors and chief magistrates who presided over the country. the third is devoted to the lives and labors of the evangelical ministers who, during the same period, had the care of souls. in the fourth the author relates the institution and progress of the university of cambridge (massachusetts). in the fifth he describes the principles and the discipline of the church of new england. the sixth is taken up in retracing certain facts, which, in the opinion of mather, prove the merciful interposition of providence in behalf of the inhabitants of new england. lastly, in the seventh, the author gives an account of the heresies and the troubles to which the church of new england was exposed. cotton mather was an evangelical minister who was born at boston, and passed his life there. his narratives are distinguished by the same ardor and religious zeal which led to the foundation of the colonies of new england. traces of bad taste sometimes occur in his manner of writing; but he interests, because he is full of enthusiasm. he is often intolerant, still oftener credulous, but he never betrays an intention to deceive. sometimes his book contains fine passages, and true and profound reflections, such as the following:—
"before the arrival of the puritans," says he (vol. i. chap. iv.), "there were more than a few attempts of the english to people and improve the parts of new england which were to the northward of new plymouth; but the designs of those attempts being aimed no higher than the advancement of some worldly interests, a constant series of disasters has confounded them, until there was a plantation erected upon the nobler designs of christianity: and that plantation though it has had more adversaries than perhaps any one upon earth, yet, having obtained help from god, it continues to this day." mather occasionally relieves the austerity of his descriptions with images full of tender feeling: after having spoken of an english lady whose religious ardor had brought her to america with her husband, and who soon after sank under the fatigues and privations of exile, he adds, "as for her virtuous husband, isaac johnson,
he tryed
to live without her, liked it not, and dyed."
b
[ a folio edition of this work was published in london in 1702.]
mather's work gives an admirable picture of the time and country which he describes. in his account of the motives which led the puritans to seek an asylum beyond seas, he says:—"the god of heaven served, as it were, a summons upon the spirits of his people in the english nation, stirring up the spirits of thousands which never saw the faces of each other, with a most unanimous inclination to leave all the pleasant accommodations of their native country, and go over a terrible ocean, into a more terrible desert, for the pure enjoyment of all his ordinances. it is now reasonable that, before we pass any further, the reasons of his undertaking should be more exactly made known unto posterity, especially unto the posterity of those that were the undertakers, lest they come at length to forget and neglect the true interest of new england. wherefore i shall now transcribe some of them from a manuscript, wherein they were then tendered unto consideration:
"general considerations for the plantation of new england
"first, it will be a service unto the church of great consequence, to carry the gospel unto those parts of the world, and raise a bulwark against the kingdom of antichrist, which the jesuits labour to rear up in all parts of the world.
"secondly, all other churches of europe have been brought under desolations; and it may be feared that the like judgments are coming upon us; and who knows but god hath provided this place to be a refuge for many whom he means to save out of the general destruction?
"thirdly, the land grows weary of her inhabitants, insomuch that man, which is the most precious of all creatures, is here more vile and base than the earth he treads upon; children, neighbours, and friends, especially the poor, are counted the greatest burdens, which, if things were right, would be the chiefest of earthly blessings.
"fourthly, we are grown to that intemperance in all excess of riot, as no mean estate almost will suffice a man to keep sail with his equals, and he that fails in it must live in scorn and contempt: hence it comes to pass, that all arts and trades are carried in that deceitful manner and unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good upright man to maintain his constant charge and live comfortably in them.
"fifthly, the schools of learning and religion are so corrupted, as (besides the unsupportable charge of education) most children, even the best, wittiest, and of the fairest hopes, are perverted, corrupted, and utterly overthrown by the multitude of evil examples and licentious behaviours in these seminaries.
"sixthly, the whole earth is the lord's garden, and he hath given it to the sons of adam, to be tilled and improved by them: why, then, should we stand starving here for places of habitation, and in the meantime suffer whole countries, as profitable for the use of man, to lie waste without any improvement?
"seventhly, what can be a better or nobler work, and more worthy of a christian, than to erect and support a reformed particular church in its infancy, and unite our forces with such a company of faithful people, as by timely assistance may grow stronger and prosper; but for want of it, may be put to great hazards, if not be wholly ruined?
"eighthly, if any such as are known to be godly, and live in wealth and prosperity here, shall forsake all this to join with this reformed church, and with it run the hazard of an hard and mean condition, it will be an example of great use, both for the removing of scandal and to give more life unto the faith of god's people in their prayers for the plantation, and also to encourage others to join the more willingly in it."
further on, when he declares the principles of the church of new england with respect to morals, mather inveighs with violence against the custom of drinking healths at table, which he denounces as a pagan and abominable practice. he proscribes with the same rigor all ornaments for the hair used by the female sex, as well as their custom of having the arms and neck uncovered. in another part of his work he relates several instances of witchcraft which had alarmed new england. it is plain that the visible action of the devil in the affairs of this world appeared to him an incontestable and evident fact.
this work of cotton mather displays, in many places, the spirit of civil liberty and political independence which characterized the times in which he lived. their principles respecting government are discoverable at every page. thus, for instance, the inhabitants of massachusetts, in the year 1630, ten years after the foundation of plymouth, are found to have devoted pound 400 sterling to the establishment of the university of cambridge. in passing from the general documents relative to the history of new england to those which describe the several states comprised within its limits, i ought first to notice "the history of the colony of massachusetts," by hutchinson, lieutenant-governor of the massachusetts province, 2 vols. 8vo. the history of hutchinson, which i have several times quoted in the chapter to which this note relates, commences in the year 1628, and ends in 1750. throughout the work there is a striking air of truth and the greatest simplicity of style: it is full of minute details. the best history to consult concerning connecticut is that of benjamin trumbull, entitled "a complete history of connecticut, civil and ecclesiastical," 1630-1764, 2 vols. 8vo, printed in 1818 at new haven. this history contains a clear and calm account of all the events which happened in connecticut during the period given in the title. the author drew from the best sources, and his narrative bears the stamp of truth. all that he says of the early days of connecticut is extremely curious. see especially the constitution of 1639, vol. i. ch. vi. p. 100; and also the penal laws of connecticut, vol. i. ch. vii. p. 123.
"the history of new hampshire," by jeremy belknap, is a work held in merited estimation. it was printed at boston in 1792, in 2 vols. 8vo. the third chapter of the first volume is particularly worthy of attention for the valuable details it affords on the political and religious principles of the puritans, on the causes of their emigration, and on their laws. the following curious quotation is given from a sermon delivered in 1663:—"it concerneth new england always to remember that they are a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade. the profession of the purity of doctrine, worship, and discipline, is written upon her forehead. let merchants, and such as are increasing cent. per cent., remember this, that worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of new england, but religion. and if any man among us make religion as twelve, and the world as thirteen, such an one hath not the spirit of a true new englishman." the reader of belknap will find in his work more general ideas, and more strength of thought, than are to be met with in the american historians even to the present day.
among the central states which deserve our attention for their remote origin, new york and pennsylvania are the foremost. the best history we have of the former is entitled "a history of new york," by william smith, printed at london in 1757. smith gives us important details of the wars between the french and english in america. his is the best account of the famous confederation of the iroquois.
with respect to pennsylvania, i cannot do better than point out the work of proud, entitled "the history of pennsylvania, from the original institution and settlement of that province, under the first proprietor and governor, william penn, in 1681, till after the year 1742," by robert proud, 2 vols. 8vo, printed at philadelphia in 1797. this work is deserving of the especial attention of the reader; it contains a mass of curious documents concerning penn, the doctrine of the quakers, and the character, manners, and customs of the first inhabitants of pennsylvania. i need not add that among the most important documents relating to this state are the works of penn himself, and those of franklin.
