there is a palpable resemblance between the subject just quitted and that most characteristic product of the middle ages—the miracle play. it may be observed at the outset that instruction in those days, when reading was the privilege of the few, was apt to take the form of an appeal to the imagination rather than the reasoning faculty, and of all the aids of imagination none has ever been so effective as the drama. the boy-bishop celebration was not only the occasion of plays which sometimes necessitated the strong hand of authority for their suppression—it was distinctly dramatic in itself. miracle plays represent a further stage of development, in which a rude and popular art shook itself free from the trammels of ritual, outgrew the austere restrictions of sacred surroundings, and yet kept fast hold on the religious tradition on which it had been nourished, and which remained to the last its supreme attraction.
the liturgical origin of the miracle play may almost be taken for granted, and the single question that is likely to arise is whether the custom evolved itself from observances connected with easter, or christmas, or both festivals in equal or varying measure. circumstances rather point to paschal rites as the matrix of the custom. the waking of the sepulchre anticipates some of the features of the miracle play, while the dialogue may have been suggested by the antiphonal elements in the church services, and specifically by the colloquy interpolated between the third lesson and the te deum at matins, and repeated as part of the sequence "victim? paschalis laudes," in which two of the choir took the parts of st. peter and st. john, and three others in albs those of the three maries. in the york missal, in which this colloquy appears at length, its use is prescribed for the tuesday of easter week.
springing apparently from these germs, the religious drama gradually enlarged its bounds until it not only broke away from the few latin verses of its first lisping, but came to embrace a whole range of biblical history in vernacular rhyme. the process is so natural that we need scarcely look for contributory factors, and the influence of such experiments as the terentian plays of the saxon nun hroswitha in the tenth century may be safely dismissed as negligible, or, at most, advanced as proof of a broad tendency, evidence of which may be traced in the "infernal pageants" to which godwin alludes in his "life of chaucer," and which, as regards italy, are for ever memorable in connexion with the bridge of carrara—a story familiar to all students of dante. these "infernal pageants" were concerned with the destiny of souls after death, and their scope being different from that of the miracle plays, they are adduced simply as marking affection for theatrical display in conjunction with religious sentiment.
as far as can be ascertained, the earliest miracle play ever exhibited in england—and here it may be observed that such performances probably owed their existence or at least considerable encouragement to the system of religious brotherhood detailed in our opening chapter—was enacted in the year 1110 at dunstable. matthew paris informs us that one geoffrey, afterwards abbot of st. albans, produced at the town aforesaid the play of st. catherine, and that he borrowed from st. albans copes in which to attire the actors. this mention of copes reminds us of the boy-bishop, and is one of the symptoms indicating community of origin. to this may be added that miracle plays were at first performed in churches, and, as we shall hereafter see, in some localities were never removed from their original sphere. the clergy also took an active share in the performances, as long as they were confined to churches; but on their emergence into the streets, pope gregory forbade the participation of the priests in what had ceased to be an act of public worship. this was about a.d. 1210. from that time miracle plays were regarded by the straiter sort with disfavour, and robert manning in his "handlyng sinne" (a translation of a norman-french "manuel de péché") goes so far as to denounce them, if performed in "ways or greens," as "a sight of sin," though allowing that the resurrection may be played for the confirmation of men's faith in that greatest of mysteries. such prejudice was by no means universal; in 1328—more than a hundred years later—we find the bishop of chester counselling his spiritual children to resort "in peaceable manner, with good devotion, to hear and see" the miracle plays.
we saw that the earliest religious drama known to have been performed in this country was one on st. catherine. william fitzstephen, in his "life of st. thomas à becket," written in 1182, brings into contrast with the pagan shows of old rome the "holier plays" of london, which he terms "representations of the miracles wrought by the holy confessors or of the sufferings whereby the constancy of the martyrs became gloriously manifest." thus we perceive how the term "miracle" attached itself to this species of theatrical exhibitions. probably, towards the commencement of the twelfth century, french playwrights fastened on the miracles of the saints as their special themes, and, by force of habit, the english public in ensuing generations retained the description, though subjects had come to be chosen other than the marvels of the martyrology. dr. ward would limit the term "miracle play" to those dramas based on the legends of the saints, and would describe those drawn from the old and new testaments as "mysteries" in conformity with continental usage. the distinction is logical, but its acceptance would practically involve the sacrifice of the former term, since the dunstable play of st. catherine, the plays founded on the lives of st. fabyan, st. sebastian, and st. botolph, which were performed in london, and those on st. george, acted at windsor and bassingbourn—no others are recorded—have all perished.
according to the "banes," or proclamation, of the chester plays, at the end of the sixteenth century, the cycle of plays acted in that city dates from the mayoralty of john arneway (1268-76), and the author was randall higgenet, a monk of chester abbey. these statements are, for various reasons, open to impeachment. for one thing, arneway's term is incorrectly assigned to the years 1327-8—a far more probable date for the plays, though there is no sort of certainty on the subject, and, in the nature of things, a cycle of plays is more likely to have grown up than to have been the work of a single hand. the later date is more probable, because the re-institution of the corpus christi festival by the council of vienne in 1311 has an important bearing on the annexation of the miracle play by the trade-gilds, and it was only on their assumption of responsibility that performances on the scale of a cycle of plays could have been contemplated, or possible.
there are four great english cycles—those of chester, york, wakefield, and coventry. by a cycle is meant a series of plays forming together what may be termed an encyclop?dia of history; it was attempted to crowd into one short day "mater from the beginning of the world." this ambitious programme bespoke the interested co-operation of many persons, and the gilds, embracing it with enthusiasm, transformed the corpus christi festival into an annual celebration marked by gorgeous pageants. the word "pageant," which appears to be etymologically related to the greek π?γμα, is technical in respect of miracle plays, and, in this connexion, is thus defined, by archdeacon rogers:
"a high scafolde with two rowmes, a higher and a lower, upon four wheeles. in the lower they apparelled them selves, and in the higher rowme they played, beinge all open on the tope, that all behoulders might heare and see them."
the pageants were constructed of wood and iron, and so thoroughly that it was seldom that they needed to be renewed. in the floor of the stage were trap-doors covered with rushes. the whole was supported on four or six wheels so as to facilitate movement from point to point; and as the miracle plays were essentially peripatetic—within, at least, the bounds of a particular town, and sometimes beyond—this was a very necessary provision.
each pageant had its company. the word "company" here is not exactly synonymous with "gild," for several gilds might combine for the object of maintaining a pageant and training and entertaining actors, and the composition of the company varied according to the wealth or poverty, zeal or indifference, of different gilds. thus it came to pass that the number of pageants, in the same city, was subject to change, companies being sometimes subdivided, and at other times amalgamated; and in the latter event the actors undertook the performance of more scenes than would otherwise have fallen to their share. commonly speaking, there was probably no lack, whether of funds or players, at any rate as regards the principal centres. the cycles were the pride of the city, and it would have been a point of honour with the members of the several companies not to allow themselves to be outclassed by their competitors.
to enumerate the gilds taking part in the miracle plays is tantamount to making an inventory of industrial crafts at the close of the middle ages. the "order of the pageants of the play of corpus christi at york," compiled by roger burton, the town clerk, and comprising a list of the companies with their respective parts, yields the following analysis: tanners, plasterers, card-makers, fullers, coopers, armourers, gaunters (glovers), shipwrights, pessoners (fishmongers), mariners, parchment-makers, book-binders, hosiers, spicers, pewterers, founders, tylers, chandlers, orfevers (goldsmiths), marshals (shoeing-smiths), girdlers, nailers, sawyers, spurriers, lorimers (bridle-makers), barbers, vintners, fevers (smiths), curriers, ironmongers, pattern-makers, pouchmakers, bottlers, cap-makers, skinners, cutlers, bladesmiths, sheathers, sealers, buckle-makers, horners, bakers cordwainers, bowyers, fletchers (arrow-featherers); tapisers, couchers, littesters (dyers), cooks, water-leaders, tilemakers, millers, twiners, turners, tunners, plumbers, pinners, latteners, painters, butchers, poulterers, sellers (saddlers), verrours (glaziers), fuystours (makers of saddle-trees), carpenters, wine-drawers, brokers, wool-packers, scriveners, luminers (illuminators), questors (pardoners), dubbers, tallianders (tailors), potters, drapers, weavers, hostlers, and mercers.
the subjects of the plays were the story of the creation, the fall, the deluge, the sacrifice of isaac, the incidents preceding the birth of christ, the nativity, and in pretty regular sequence the chief events of our lord's life to the ascension; and, finally, the assumption of the blessed virgin. as a rule it is hard to discern any connexion between the nature of a scene and the craft or crafts representing it, but the assignment of the pageant in which god warns noah to make an ark to the shipwrights, and of its successor, in which the patriarch appears in the ark, to the "pessoners" and mariners has an obvious propriety, and must have conduced to the—not historical, but conventional—realism which was the aim of the miracle artists.
the whole town was made to serve as a huge theatre, and the many pageants proceeded in due order from station to station. "the place," says archdeacon rogers—he is speaking of chester—"the place where they played was in every streete. they begane first at the abay gates and when the first pagiant was played, it was wheeled to the highe crosse before the mayor, and so to every streete; and so every streete had a pagiant playinge before them at one time, till all the pagiantes for the daye appoynted weare played; and when one pagiant was neere ended word was broughte from streete to streete, that soe they might come in place thereof excedinge orderlye, and all the streetes have their pagiantes afore them all at one time playeing togeather, to se which playe was greate resorte, and also scafoldes and stages made in the streetes in those places where they determined to playe their pagiantes."
should the supply of pageants be limited, different scenes were acted in different parts of the same stage; and actors who were awaiting or had ended their parts stood on the stage unconcealed by a curtain. in more elaborate performances a scene like the "trial of jesus" involved the employment of two scaffolds, displaying the judgment-halls of pilate and herod respectively; and between them passed messengers on horseback. the plays contain occasional stage directions—e.g., "here herod shall rage on the pagond." we find also rude attempts at scene-shifting, of which an illustration occurs in the coventry play of "the last supper:"
"here cryst enteryth into the hous with his disciplis, and ete the paschal lomb; and in the mene tyme the cownsel hous beforn seyd xal sodeynly onclose, shewynge the buschopys, prestys, and jewgys sytting in here astat, lyche as it were a convocacyon."
and again:
"here the buschopys partyn in the place, and eche of hem here leve be contenawns resortyng eche man to his place with here meny to take cryst; and than xal the place that cryst is in sodeynly unclose round abowt, shewynge cryst syttyng at the table, and hise dyscypulis eche in ere degré. cryst thus seyng."
the outlay on these plays was necessarily large, and the accounts of gilds and corporations prove that not only were considerable sums expended on the dresses of the actors, but the latter received fees for their services. the fund needed to meet these charges was raised by an annual rate levied on each craftsman—called "pageant money"—and varying from one penny to fourpence. the cost of housing and repairing the pageant, as well as the refreshment of the performers at rehearsals, would also come out of this fund. as the actors were paid, they were expected to be efficient, and the duty of testing their qualifications was delegated either to a pageant-master or to a committee of experienced actors. a york ordinance dated april 3, 1476, shows that four of "the most cunning, discreet, and able players" were summoned before the mayor during lent for the purpose of making a thorough examination of plays, players, and pageants, and "insufficient persons," in whatever requirement—skill, voice, or personal appearance—their defect lay, were mercilessly "avoided." no single player was allowed to undertake more than two parts on pain of a fine of forty shillings.
from the york proclamation of 1415 we learn that the players were expected to be in their places between 3 and 4 a.m., while the prologue of the coventry plays contains the lines:
at sunday next yf that we may
at six of the belle, we gynne our play
in n—— towne.
this is interesting, as proving that pageants were sometimes acted in a number of places, somewhat in the style of strolling players. it is known for a fact that the grey friars of coventry had a cycle of corpus christi plays; and it has been conjectured that they were forced by the competition of the trade gilds to exhibit them outside the town. whatever may have been the case with the players, it is certain that such plays were not confined to the centres of which we have spoken. we read of a lost beverly cycle, and of another at newcastle, of which one play—"the building of the ark"—has fortunately been preserved. like performances took place at witney and preston, at lancaster, kendall, and dublin. the relative perfection of chester and coventry, and probably of york, were bound to influence those and other towns, which looked to them as the capitals of the dramatic art. evidence of the popularity of miracle plays in places near and remote is forthcoming in the shape of literary remains or parochial records. cornwall is famous for its religious drama, to which are due the best monuments of its dead tongue; but other counties were not backward in zealous attachment to the miracle play. a few excerpts from church-wardens' and other accounts may be given by way of showing the extent of the custom:
ashburton, devon
1528-9. "ixs ixd for painting cloth for the players and making their tunics, and for 'chequery' for making tunics for the aforesaid players, and for making staves for them, and crests upon their heads for the festival of corpus christi."
1533-4. "ijd rewardyd and alowyd to the pleers of cryssmas game, that pleyd in the said churche."
1537-8. "jd for a pair of silk garments (seroticarum) for king herod on corpus christi day."
1542-3. "ijs id ij devils' heads (capit. diabol.) and necessary things in the clothes for the players."
1547-8. "ijs to the players on corpus christi day." (during the reign of edward vi. the plays were discontinued, to be revived in that of his successor.)
1555-6. "ijd payd for a payr of glouys for hym that played god almighty at corpus xpi daye." "vjd payd for wyne for hym that played saynt resinent."
1558-9. "ijd for a payr of glouys to him that played christ on corpus xpi daye."
st. martin's, leicester
1546-7. "item pd for makynge of a sworde & payntynge of the same for harroode viijd"
in the corporation mss. of rye, sussex, are the following entries:
1474. "payed to the players of romeney, the which pleyed in the churche 16d"
1476. "payed to the pleyers of winchilse, the whiche pleyed in the churche yerde, vppone the day of the purification of our laday 16d"
the performance of the york miracle plays went on until 1579. the newcastle celebration outlasted them by about ten years. the chester plays were acted till the end of the sixteenth century, and those of beverley till 1604. what killed the miracle play? this is a deeply interesting speculation, but one with regard to which it is difficult to form a conclusion owing to the co-existence of rival influences, the relative strength of which cannot well be estimated. we have seen that puritan opinion suspended the miracle play at ashburton during the reign of edward vi., and it would be natural to look for the same result from the accession of elizabeth, whereas, at beverley it was maintained all through the period of her rule. it is quite possible, however, that all this time efforts were being made by extreme reformers to bring about its abolition, and that ultimately they were successful. meanwhile the growth of the secular drama, which was hardly more to the liking of the puritans, must have proved a powerful counter-attraction, and possibly it is to this rather than religious opposition that the extinction of the miracle play was actually due. at any rate, we need feel no surprise that with two such antagonistic forces at work the ancient and pious custom vanished from the land.
