mr. gladstone's career will be the wonder of other generations, as it has been the astonishment of this. mr. morley's monumental "life" of him will long be remembered as the greatest of all contributions to the education of the british politician. it is a life of parliament as well as of a person. those who remember how carpenter's "political text book" was welcomed will know how much more this will be valued.
never before was a biography founded on material so colossal. only one man was thought capable of dealing with a subject so vast and complicated. great expectations were entertained, and were fulfilled in a measure which exceeded every anticipation. the task demanded a vaster range of knowledge than was ever before required of a biographer. classic passages, not capable of being construed by the general reader, are translated, so that interest is never diverted nor baffled by flashes of learned darkness. when cardinal and unusual terms are used, which might be dubiously interpreted, definitions are given which have both delight and instruction. he who collects them from mr. morley's pages would possess a little dictionary of priceless guidance. a noble action or a just idea is recognised, whoever may manifest it some persons, as mr. gladstone said of kinglake's famous book, "were too bad to live and too good to die." nevertheless, their excellence, where discernible, has its place in this biographical mosaic thus unexpected pieces of human thought emerge in the careers of the historic figures who pass before the reader, by which he becomes richer as he proceeds from page to page. illuminating similes abound which do not leave the memory—such fitness is there in them. historic questions which interested those who lived through them, are made clear, by facts unknown or unregarded then. men whom many readers detested in their day are discovered to have some noble feature of character, unrevealed to the public before. mr. morley is a master of character—a creator of fame by his discernment, discrimination, impartiality, and generosity to adversaries, from which the reader learns charity and wisdom as he goes along. knowledge of public life, law, and government, come as part of the charm of the incidents related. memorable phrases, unexpected terms of expression, like flashes of radium, gleam in every chapter. the narrative is as interesting as the adventures of gil bias—so full is it of wisdom, wonder, and variety. from all the highways, byways, and broadways of the great subject, the reader never loses sight of mr. gladstone. all paths lead to him. like bunyan's pilgrim, the biographer goes on his shining way, guiding the reader to the shrine of the hero of the marvellous story. mr. gladstone moves through mr. morley's pages as a king—as he did among men. he sometimes fell into errors, as noble men have done in every age, but there was never any error in his purpose. he always meant justly, and did not hesitate to give us new and ennobling estimates of hated men. his sense of justice diffused, as it were, a halo around him. mr. morley's pages give us the natural history of a political mind of unusual range and power which was without a compeer. as mr. gladstone began, he advanced, listening to everybody, to use one of mr. morley's commanding lines: "he was flexible, persistent, clear, practical, fervid, unconquerable."
in "vivian grey," disraeli foreshadowed his bright and vengeful career. in the same way, mr. gladstone wrote the whole spirit of his life in his first address to the electors of newark. his career is in that manifesto, which has never been reprinted. the reader will be interested in seeing it here it is:—
to the worthy and independent electors of the borough of newark.
"gentlemen,—having now completed my canvass, i think it my duty as well to remind you of the principles on which i have solicited your votes as freely to assure my friends that its result has placed my success beyond a doubt. i have not requested your favour on the ground of adherence to the opinions of any man or party, further than such adherence can be fairly understood from the conviction that i have not hesitated to avow that we must watch and resist that uninquiring and un-discriminating desire for change amongst us, which threatens to produce, along with partial good, a melancholy preponderance of mischief, which i am persuaded would aggravate beyond computation the deep-seated evils of our social state, and the heavy burthens of our industrial classes; which, by disturbing our peace, destroys confidence and strikes at the root of prosperity. this it has done already, and this we must, therefore, believe it will do.
"for a mitigation of these evils we must, i think, look not only to particular measures, but to the restoration of sounder general principles—i mean especially that principle on which alone the incorporation of religion with the state in our constitution can be defended; that the duties of governors are strictly and peculiarly religious, and that legislatures, like individuals, are bound to carry throughout their acts the spirit of the high truths they have acknowledged. principles are now arrayed against our institutions, and not by truckling nor by temporising, not by oppression nor corruption, but by principles they must be met. among their first results should be sedulous and especial attention to the interests of the poor, founded upon the rule that those who are the least able to take care of themselves ought to be most regarded by others. particularly it is a duty to endeavour by every means that labour may receive adequate remuneration, which unhappily, among several classes of our fellow-countrymen, is not now the case. whatever measures, therefore, whether by the correction of the poor laws, allotment of cottage grounds, or otherwise, tend to promote this object, i deem entitled to the warmest support, with all such as are calculated to secure sound moral conduct in any class of society.
"i proceed to the momentous question of slavery, which i have found entertained among you in that candid and temperate spirit which alone befits its nature, or promises to remove its difficulties. if i have not recognised the right of an irresponsible society to interpose between me and the electors, it has not been from any disrespect to its members, nor from any unwillingness to answer their or any other questions on which the electors may desire to know my views. to the esteemed secretary of the society i submitted my reasons for silence, and i made a point of stating those views to him in his character of a voter.
"as regards the abstract lawfulness of slavery, i acknowledge it simply as importing the right of one man to the labour of another; and i rest upon the fact that scripture—paramount authority on such a point—gives directions to persons standing in the relation of master to slave for their conduct in that relation; whereas, were the matter absolutely and necessarily sinful, it would not regulate the manner. assuming sin is the cause of degradation, it strives, and strives most effectually, to cure the latter by extirpating the former. we are agreed that both the physical and moral bondage of the slave are to be abolished. the question is as to the order and the order only; now scripture attacks the moral evil before the temporal one, and the temporal through the moral one, and i am content with the order which scripture has established.
"to this end i desire to see immediately set on foot, by impartial and sovereign authority, an universal and efficient system of christian instruction, not intended to resist designs of individual piety and wisdom for the religious improvement of the negroes, but to do thoroughly what they can only do partially. as regards immediate emancipation, whether with or without compensation, there are several minor reasons against it, but that which weighs most with me is, that it would, i much fear, exchange the evils now affecting the negro for others which are weightier—for a relapse into deeper debasement, if not for bloodshed and internal war.* let fitness be made the condition of emancipation, and let us strive to bring him to that fitness by the shortest possible course. let him enjoy the means of earning his freedom through honest and industrious habits, thus the same instruments which attain his liberty shall likewise render him competent to use it; and thus, i earnestly trust, without risk of blood, without violation of property, with unimpaired benefit to the negro and with the utmost speed which prudence will admit, we shall arrive at the exceedingly desirable consummation, the utter extinction of slavery.
* isaiah could not have prophesied more definitely. friends
of the slaves stoutly denied that the scriptures sanctioned
their bondage. they were afraid the fact would go against
christianity. it was true nevertheless, and the american
preachers pleaded this for their opposition and supineness
towards abolition.
"and now, gentlemen, as regards the enthusiasm with which you have rallied round your ancient flag, and welcomed the humble representative of those principles whose emblem it is, i trust that neither the lapse of time nor the seductions of prosperity can ever efface it from my memory. to my opponents my acknowledgments are due for the good humour and kindness with which they have received me, and while i would thank my friends for their zealous and unwearied exertions in my favour, i briefly but emphatically assure them that if promises be an adequate foundation of confidence, or experience a reasonable ground of calculation, our victory is sure. i have the honour to be, gentlemen, your obliged and obedient servant,
"w. e. gladstone.
"clinton arms, newark, tuesday, oct, 9, 1832."
the sincerity, the intrepidity, the sympathy with those who labour, the candour of statement, the openness of mind, the sentiments of piety and freedom (so rarely combined) of his life, are all there. his whole career is but a magnificent enlargement of that address. i have lingered before the hotel in the market-place, where he stayed and from which he made speeches to the electors. there is no one living in newark now who heard them. byron lived in the same hotel when he came to newark with his early poems, which he had printed at a shop still standing in the market-place. the township is enlarged, but otherwise unchanged as the conservatism he then represented. i have thrice walked through all the streets along which he passed, for he visited the house of every elector. what a splendid canvasser he must have been, with his handsome face, his courtesy, his deference, his charm of speech, and infinite readiness of explanation!
i first saw him in the old house of commons in 1842. mr. roebuck had presented a petition from me that sitting, and i remained to witness subsequent proceedings. i only remember one figure, seemingly a young-looking man, tall, pallid-faced, with dark hair, who stood well out in the mid-space between the ministerial benches and the table, and spoke with the fluency and freedom of a master of his subject every one appeared to pay him attention. i was told the speaker was mr. gladstone.
when he visited the tyne in 1862, i did not need to be told his name. at that time i was connected with the newcastle chronicle, and it fell to me to write the leaders on mr. gladstone. the miners were told, when they came up from the pits on that day, they would see a sight new in england, which they might not soon see again—a chancellor of the exchequer who was known to have a conscience. other holders of the same office may have had that commodity about them, but not employing it in public affairs, its existence had not been observed. the penny paper which gave the miners that information, we told them would not exist but for mr. gladstone. thousands of miners came up from the pits of durham and northumberland, and great numbers succeeded in shaking hands with mr. gladstone as he approached the harry clasper, named after the well-known oarsman of the tyne, who was on the river with bob chambers, who had won a hundred contests. clasper and chambers were always named together. men swam before mr. gladstone's vessel a considerable distance, as though they were the water gods of the tyne, preparing the way for their distinguished and unwonted visitor. and what a journey it was! twenty-two miles of banks, counting both sides, were lined with people. the works upon the tyneside, with their grim piles high in the air, crowned with clouds of blackest smoke, out of which forks of sulphurous flames darted, revealing hundreds of persons surmounting roofs and pinnacles, cheering in ringing tones, above, while cannon boomed at their feet below. amid it all you could see everywhere women holding up their children to see the great chancellor of the exchequer go by. the tyne has seen no other sight like this.
it was of this visit that i first wrote to mr. gladstone. the arrangements for his wonderful reception were the work of mr. joseph cowen, jun. his father was chief commissioner for the tyne—in person taller than mr. gladstone, with a gift of speech which sincerity made eloquent. his son, who had organised the reception, never came in sight of mr. gladstone from first to last. as i knew mr. gladstone liked to know what was below the surface as well as upon it, i sent him two informing notes.
"going to and fro in the land "—not with inquisitive malice as a certain sojourner mentioned in job is reputed to have done—on lecturing purpose bent, sometimes on political missions, i knew the state and nature of opinion in many places. the soul and liberalism of the country was nonconformist and religious. many in parliament thought that london newspapers, published mainly for sale, and which furnished ideas for music-hall politicians—represented english opinion at large. at times i wrote to members of parliament that this was not so. mr. walter james (since lord northbourne) was one who showed my reports to mr. gladstone.
one day in 1877 mr. gladstone sent me a postcard, inviting me to breakfast with him. he was as open in his friendship as in his politics. in all things he was prepared to dare the judgment of adversaries. incidentally i mentioned the invitation to two persons only, but next day a passage appeared in a newspaper—much read in the house of commons at that time—to the effect that mr. gladstone was inviting unusual persons to his house, who might be useful to him in his campaign on the eastern question, so anxious was he to obtain partisan support in the agitation in which he was engaged. there was no truth whatever in this, as mr. gladstone never referred to the subject, nor any of his guests. but i took care at that time not to mention again an invitation lest it should occasion inconvenience to my host. the visit to the tyne had some picturesque incidents. by happy accident, or it might be from thoughtful design, mrs. gladstone wore an indian shawl having a circle in the centre, by which she was distinguishable. every person whom thousands come out to see, should have some individual mark of dress, and should never be surrounded by friends, when recognition is impossible and disappointing to the crowd.
at middlesboro', mrs. gladstone was taken to see molten metal poured into moulds. i knew the ways of a foundry, and that if the mould happened to be damp, a shower of the liquid iron would fall upon those near. the gentlemen around her seemed to think it an act of freedom to warn her of her danger, so i stepped up to her and told her of the risk she ran. she said in after years, that if i did not save her life, i saved her from great possible discomfort.
middlesboro* was then in a state of volcanic chaos. mr. gladstone predicted that it would become what it is now, a splendid town. it was in the grey of a murky evening, when blast furnaces were flaming around him, that mr. gladstone began in a small office—the only place available—a wonderful comparison between oxford and the scene outside. alas! the dull-minded town clerk stopped him, saying that they wished him to make his speech in the evening—not knowing that mr. gladstone had twenty speeches in him at any time. the evening came, but the great inspiration returned no more.
the night before he had spoken in newcastle, when he made the long-remembered declaration on the war then raging in america, the reporter of the electric telegraph company had fallen ill, and mr. cowen asked me to take his place. it is easier to report mr. gladstone verbatim than to summarise his speech as he proceeded on his rapid, animated, and unhesitating way. so i condensed the famous passage in these words: "jefferson davis had not only made a navy, he had made a nation (sensation)." the word was too strong. there was no "sensation;" there was only a general movement as of unexpectedness, and "surprise" would have been a more appropriate word; but it did not come to me at the moment, and there was no time to wait for it, and the "sensational" sentence was all over london before the speech was ended. the next night he recurred to the subject at middlesboro' with qualifications, but the press took no notice of them. the "sensation" appended to the sentence had set political commentators on fire.
a notable speech was made by the mayor of middlesboro'. in presenting addresses to mr. gladstone, local magnates complimented him upon his distinction in greek, which none of them were competent to appraise. the mayor of middlesboro', an honest, stalwart gentleman, said simply, "mr. gladstone, if i could speak as well as you can speak, i should be able to tell you how proud we are to have you among us." no speech made to him was more effective or relevant, or pleased him more.
by the courtesy of mr. bright, who procured me a seat in the speaker's gallery when there was only one to be had, i heard mr. gladstone deliver, at midnight, his famous peroration, when, with uplifted hand, he said, "time is on our side."
i remember the night well. the duke of argyll came into the gallery, where he stood four or five hours. i would gladly have given him my seat, but if i did so i must relinquish hearing the debate, as i must have left the gallery, as no stranger is permitted to stand. so i thought it prudent to respect the privileges of the peerage—and keep my seat.
in the years when i was constantly in the house of commons, i was one day walking through the tunnel-like passage which leads from downing street into the park, i saw a pair of gleaming eyes approaching me. the passage was so dark i saw nothing else. as the figure passed me i saw it was mr. gladstone. on returning to "the house," as parliament is familiarly called, i mentioned what i had seen to mr. vargus, who had sat at the treasury door for fifty years. "yes," he answered, "there have been no eyes enter this house like mr. gladstone's since the days of canning."
yet those eyes of meteoric intensity so lacked quick perception that he would pass by members of his party in the lobby of parliament without accosting them, fearing to do so when he desired it, lest he should mistake their identity and set up party misconceptions. mr. gladstone ignored persons because he did not see them. it should not have been left to sir e. hamilton to make this known after mr. gladstone's death. the fact should have been disclosed fifty years before.
to disappointed members with whom i came in contact, i used to explain that mr. gladstones apparent slightingness was owing to preoccupation. he would often enter the house absorbed by an impending speech—which was true—and thought more of serving his country than of conciliating partisans. lord palmerston was wiser in his generation, who knew his followers would forgive him betraying public interest, if he paid attention to them. attention to them.
