antonio pérez gave up the "casilla" to d. john and his household, and retired with his wife and sons to his other magnificent and sumptuous house "la villa," which had belonged to the conde de pu?onrostro, and was contiguous to the church of st. justin (the site now occupied by the military school). every day, however, he went to the "casilla," to pay his court to d. john and to attend him on his visits, business, and pleasures. antonio pérez wasted no time; he had already on the way from guadalajara exaggerated d. philip's displeasure, and had offered to go post-haste to the escorial to try to placate the king with some pretext which he would invent. this he did as soon as he had installed his illustrious guest in the "casilla," and at the escorial the king and the secretary decided together that d. john should present himself there as soon as possible, in order not further to delay his departure for flanders, and that pérez should boast of the friendly act in having smoothed the annoyance of the king, the more to confirm d. john's incautious confidence, which pérez was so treacherously acquiring.
d. philip received his brother with the greatest affability, and without making the slightest allusion to the annoyance the coming of d. john had caused him; he rose on seeing d. john enter the room, and at once gave his hand to be kissed, embracing him tenderly, and then, what always happened when the two brothers met face to face, occurred. the ice melted, suspicion was calmed, and d. john's loyal frankness and lovable charm penetrated and even overthrew d. philip's cold reserve. it is nowhere related that d. john spoke at that time, as he meant to have done, about his title of infante: perhaps the artful pérez had dissuaded him, or maybe he forebore of his own accord, in view of d. philip's determination to organise the english expedition, according to the plans of gregory xiii, as soon as flanders should be pacified. d. philip's promises were so clear and definite that it is impossible to believe, as antonio pérez asserts, that it was simply a strategy to animate d. john by these hopes, without supposing in philip a falseness and bad faith capable of sweeping away and treading everything under foot. because it was not only d. john who was taken in by this strategy; it was also the sovereign pontiff, the instigator and principal upholder of the english enterprise, and the english and scotch lords and all the catholics in these kingdoms, who were risking their lives and properties; and it was, above all, the unlucky queen of scots who, deceived by these false hopes, would lose time and the opportunity for using surer means of freeing herself from captivity and death.
moreover, philip ii did not restrict himself to making these promises privately to d. john, or only by word of mouth; he also made them in writing in two letters which he sent to him in flanders. here are the two important documents, which should be read with the greatest attention, because they contain the standard of d. john's loyal conduct in that appointment.
"by another, which goes with this, you will see what i think about the english business. in this i have desired to tell you that the good-will i always have towards you as a brother is such and so great that, after the service which i wish to render to our lord in converting this kingdom to the catholic religion, i wish more than you can estimate, that this should succeed as a way in which i can prove how much i love you; and as a sign and proof of this, from this moment, i assure you that, the business of this kingdom settled, it will be my delight to see you in possession of it, marrying you to the queen of scotland, if she be still alive, freeing her and setting her on her throne, which seems to be her desire, and it will be more than due to him who has delivered her from all this peril and placed her in freedom and possession of her throne; even if your rank and quality were not equal to hers, your bravery makes you well deserve each other. and though if this happens there are some things to settle and agree about, it seems to me useless to do so before the time, and it suffices, at present, to tell you, as above, what are to be the ways and conditions which seem to me best for my service and for the welfare of our affairs and states."
the other letter of the same date, alluded to in the one above, says:
"having considered the orders and advice that i gave you regarding what should be done for the absolute pacification of flanders, and particularly about removing the spaniards, if it be necessary, and what to do with them, since you left i have thought what it would be well to do with these soldiers in that case, and whether at this juncture it would be desirable to undertake the english affair, representing to myself, on the one hand, that no better time could offer for taking the queen of that kingdom unawares and for withdrawing these soldiers from my states with honour, and of the great service it would be to our lord to convert that kingdom to the catholic religion, and other considerations which occurred to me; and, on the other hand, of the responsibilities we undertake in beginning, without much reason or certainty of success, of the difficulties which may arise in this undertaking, and of the great troubles which might be caused by upsetting christendom and all the world. i wished to advise you about all i think of this affair and my wishes concerning it. first, you must not by any means embark on this business until all is quiet and peaceable in those states. moreover, it must be well considered how much the help of the english can be counted on in this enterprise, as there is no kingdom, however small, that can be gained without the help of that kingdom, nor should anyone try to do so. besides this, we must consider whether the said queen is suspicious about your going to those states, and has taken precautions and begun to live with greater care for her safety and that of the kingdom, because if this were so there would be no use in thinking of the business. to allay the said queen's suspicion and distrust that the seeing you in those states may have caused her, it seems to me that it would be well to continue to make much of her and to be on good terms with her as opportunity offers."
philip appeared much pleased by his brother's visit to the escorial, and, contrary to what he had told pérez, accompanied him to madrid on the 22nd of september, and ordered the prelates of the religious orders to make public rogations and processions for the success of d. john's journey and governorship. d. john took advantage of the days during which d. philip lingered over dispatching him to enjoy the company of his friends, and this he did at the sumptuous suppers which antonio pérez gave daily at the "casilla," followed by much gambling and picnics at los chorrillos, a delightful spot in the wood, to which the great ladies of the court also came. the most sought after of these was the princess de évoli, then a widow, about whose intimacy with antonio pérez people had begun to whisper. this gossip had not yet reached the ears of d. john, but it was then brought by the marqués de fabara, an ill-natured busybody, who had fought under his orders in the alpujarras, and who now followed him about, wishing to be taken to flanders. the marqués said much about the lady's light conduct and the presumption of the haughty plebeian, and ended by consulting d. john whether as a relation of the princess he ought to beat antonio pérez or give him a thrust with his sword. d. john cut him short by saying that he did not understand questions of casuistry, only war; but what fabara said made him remember certain strange familiarities he had noticed between the secretary and the princess, on the several visits that he had paid her in her house in the lane of st. mary, always accompanied by pérez. a simple event happened the next day which ended by convincing him of these impure loves which were to bring about the terrible drama which antonio pérez was preparing.
in the wood of the "casilla" there was a delightful place called los chorrillos, from the springs which burst forth there. antonio pérez had built a cottage there, rustic in appearance, but in reality costly and luxurious, and had made in front of it a wide space, on which cane jousts could be held, or tilting at the ring, or even bull-fights and other games of the period. before d. john left, antonio pérez gave a picnic to the ladies at the chorrillos, and to amuse and please them the gentlemen were to tilt at the "estafermo." this game consisted in a big figure of an armed man, with a shield in his left hand, and in his right some straps, from which bags of sand hung. the figure was placed on a pole, above an axle, so that it could turn round; when a rider, coming at it with his lance couched, struck the shield and made the figure turn quickly, it gave him a heavy blow with the bags if he were not very quick; to avoid the blow with dexterity was the first point in the game.
the ladies arrived at the "casilla," some in coaches, others in litters, and the humbler ones among them on horseback, all very smart and accompanied by gallants; at the head of them was the duquesa de infantado, do?a juana de coello, the wife of antonio pérez, and the princess de évoli. from the "casilla" to los chorillos, a distance of about half a league, the ladies went in carts prepared by antonio pérez; these were adorned with tapestries and brocades and soft cushions, and the oxen were caparisoned with crimson and had their horns gilded; the herdsmen were dressed in shepherd's garb of brocade and fine skins, and velvet caps, and in their hands were long wands of wood with silver rings. the gentlemen rode around the carts, going from one to the other with merry talk and seemly jests. the "estafermo" was erected in the middle of the ground; it was a grotesque and corpulent warrior, armed like a fleming, a caricature of the prince of orange, the redoubtable leader of the rebels in flanders. and that no one should doubt the meaning there was written in big letters on the support of the "estafermo," "the silent," which was the nickname given to orange.
it happened that, when tilting at the "estafermo," honorato de silva, a gentleman much liked by d. john, gave such a hard thrust that one of the bags fell off and by ill-luck knocked antonio pérez on the head, who fell, stunned and unconscious from the blow. everyone was upset; they carried him to the rustic cottage, and the first fright over went back to the game, laughing over the violence of the prince of orange. antonio pérez remained resting in a little room apart. after a long while d. john went to see him; at the door he met one of the princess de évoli's duennas, named do?a bernardina, sitting on a bench. she was much perturbed at seeing him and wished to prevent his entering, saying that the lord antonio was asleep; but as at that moment d. john heard laughing behind the curtain, the duenna darted into the room to give warning; unfortunately, as she lifted the curtain, d. john could plainly see antonio pérez lying on a low sofa and the princess de évoli kneeling before him, and with great liveliness, amid the laughter of both, putting medicated cloths on his head, which she wetted in a silver bowl placed on the ground. d. john pretended to have seen nothing, neither did he dare confide the matter to anyone for fear of showing up the weakness of a lady and the peccadilloes of a friend. but many months later, away in flanders, while he was talking one day to escovedo about certain demands of the princess de évoli, which the secretary wished to grant, he was obliged, in order to convince escovedo of the shamelessness of the case, to tell him of fabara's gossip and the scene at the chorrillos. d. john himself thus, unconsciously, unchained the winds of the terrible storm of reproaches, hatred and shame in which escovedo perished.
the king arranged d. john's journey with great caution and mystery, to prevent his departure being known in flanders, lest they should guard against his coming. he set out at the end of october, without saying farewell to anyone, and, as the story goes, went to the escorial to return again to madrid, where escovedo awaited him, arranging with the treasurer garnica the necessary funds for paying the troops in flanders. at the escorial d. john took leave of his suite, and with only octavio gonzaga and honorato de silva went by post to abrojo, where he was expected by do?a magdalena de ulloa. d. john had written to tell her he had prepared for the visit "a ceremonial which delights your grace, as you are so holy, and for the great love you have for me, the like of which certainly i have never found or ever shall find in my life."
this "ceremonial" which d. john had arranged was one of the proofs of his tender affection, knowing the highly religious feelings of the noble lady. the day of his arrival he confessed fully to the old fr. juan de calahorra, and on the next, in the prior's private oratory, he communicated humbly and devoutly at do?a magdalena's side, partaking of the same wafer as she did, as on the first occasion of his approaching the holy table, led by the hand of do?a magdalena, twenty years before, away in villagarcia. tears of quiet joy streamed over the old lady's wrinkled cheek, as she understood that in this way d. john wished to show her that his faith and his love for her were unchanged, and tears also ran down the face of the hero of lepanto as he reflected that, although his faith and filial love were unaltered, yet that he could not kneel by the side of that saintly woman wearing, as before, the white stole of innocence, but rather the rough, dark sackcloth of penitence.
then he gave her several bulls and briefs obtained by him from the roman pontiff, conceding graces and privileges to the church and house of the jesuits, founded by do?a magdalena at villagarcia, and the drawings of the beautiful alabaster "retablo" representing the passion of our lord, which he had ordered for the same church, in which lay buried "his uncle and father luis quijada," and in which a sepulchre for do?a magdalena was open and ready. too soon for everyone came the moment of departure. d. john was to make the rest of the journey disguised as the servant of octavio gonzaga, and for this purpose donned a coat of brown homespun, a cap of the same, and high boots of cordovan leather; he also wished to cut off his moustaches but do?a magdalena cried out against this profanation of d. john's manly beauty and the sacrifice of those fair hair, she had seen slowly grow. she offered herself to stain his hair and beard black with some dye he had brought, and did so, taking great pains, holding d. john's head in her lap as when he was a child, amid peals of laughter on his part and no small amusement and tenderness on hers. her work finished, do?a magdalena contemplated it, and thought d. john as comely as a black-haired servant as he was as a fair-haired prince, and, smiling complacently, she said, half pleased and half nervous, "it must be a very obtuse person that y.h. takes in—they will all say, 'under this sackcloth there is ——'"
do?a magdalena mounted a tower on the wall which surrounded abrojo, to see the last of him, with fr. juan de calahorra, the prior, and the other monks, and, bathed in tears, to watch him turn his head and smile at the last bend of the road, her kind heart not guessing that he was disappearing for ever, that she would never see him again, and that in less than two years all this youth, gallantry and greatness would be dust, and that this deep, pure love would be nothing but a memory in her old age.
